FEBRUARY 25, 2025, is the 39th anniversary of the EDSA People Power Revolution (EDSA). All its major characters are long gone save one. Enrile, a political Cartaphilus, the wandering Jew, has outlived them all — Ferdinand Marcos, Cory, Cardinal Sin, General Ramos — and a host of dramatis personae in supporting roles, nonetheless critically part of the narrative — Reform the Armed Forces Movement (RAM), Gen. Fabian Ver, Doy Laurel, and many others. But EDSA could not have happened without the faceless ones — the nameless hordes who gathered at EDSA, Feb. 22 to 25, 1986.

I wrote then: "...We hanker to be part of the momentous movements of history and even begin to presume that we may indeed have been a major participant thereof — when in fact, we simply may have taken on a minor role — bit players in an unfolding drama on the world's stage. But it is this trifling part, when multiplied by the thousands that makes the involvement of each of us anywhere within the stream of events singularly significant. In this way, our collective action becomes history-making. We need not have been present physically at EDSA — we were the Spirit of EDSA." ("I remember..." TMT, Feb. 23, 2017).

The roots

EDSA was bound to happen after generations of misgovernance characterized by the entrenchment of a dysfunctional political patronage system that only produced for the majority of Filipinos a life of stark poverty, social inequality and injustice, and an overall sense of hopelessness. This was exacerbated by the authoritarian rule of Ferdinand Marcos whose legitimate two terms should have ended in 1973. But in 1972 he declared martial law. His regime was characterized by the suppression of civil liberties and political dissent, widespread human rights abuses creating a climate of fear. The economy was in a crisis, worsened by rampant corruption and institutionalized kleptocracy and cronyism.

All these built up a seething anger in the normally resilient and forgiving citizenry. But in 1983, the assassination of Ninoy Aquino, the opposition leader, upon his return from exile galvanized this public outrage. This became a rallying point for a weak but growing opposition to mobilize public indignation leading to mass protests and marches in the streets by an eclectic group of students, the youth, the religious sector and civil society. The gagged and silent media re-emerged as the "mosquito media" and began to perform its dangerous task spreading awareness to the general public, long misinformed by the cowed Marcos press and communication machinery.

Marcos upon the prodding of America called for a snap election to regain some semblance of legitimacy. This election was marred by fraud. The opposition, led by Corazon Aquino, won. But Marcos declared himself the victor. This was the last straw that broke the camel's back.

Everything came to a head on those February 1986 days with the spark provided by military defections and the mass gatherings at EDSA. We booted out the Malacañang dictator to exile to his sponsor's homeland, America, where he died ignominiously. Since then, various accounts and interpretations of EDSA persisting to the present have been acrimonious.

"It was a revolution! No, it was not, because blood did not flow! It was a military uprising! It was a coup d'etat. It was an American sponsored regime change! etc. etc."

It's all of the above.

Ambiguities of EDSA

Time has passed yet those four days in February 1986 with its complexities provided no closure, instead opened more wounds. Democracy was to be restored, and reforms initiated after years of martial law and authoritarian rule, but none materialized. Social inequalities, poverty and economic disparities worsened. We yearned to translate into realities what were then "motherhood statements" about people empowerment that could bring about national unity and a healing after years of societal polarization; and re-establishing the rule of law — not just a semblance of it. This did not happen.

Capture of the EDSA revolution

Many among us, the faceless participants, buoyed by the euphoria were recruited and accepted into Cory's government. But looking back now, we were wrong in our expectations on the "restoration of democracy." What was restored came with it the re-establishment of the rule of an oligarchy and the continued perpetuation of traditional politics — albeit with a new set of personalities. It was a parody of democracy.

We understood too that President Cory was from the elite and her values therefore were of those of her class — the ruling class — but we were hopeful that she would transcend these with the outpouring of love and adulation shown by the masses whose values may not have been congruent to hers.

At the outset, we implored her to continue to rule under the Revolutionary Constitution, granted to her by EDSA, to give herself more time to dismantle not only the martial law structures and the dysfunctional unitary system of government which continue to pervert democratic governance. We were no match for the ruling class. Cory surrendered her prerogatives to institute real socioeconomic-political reforms by rejecting the people's gift — the 1986 Revolutionary Constitution. She then proceeded to embed her dogmas in her 1987 Constitution.

Vilification of EDSA

The vilification of EDSA began. Tomes and articles were written debasing and defaming EDSA. Trickles of expressions of frustrations accelerated through succeeding administrations culminating in Cory's son's presidency. PNoy opportunistically rode on the people's residual love and nostalgia for an icon to win power. In his brimming arrogance, he tried to exact from the people who once took part in the EDSA revolution loyalty and adulation similar to that shown his mother. "Somos o no somos." He failed!

He co-opted his mother's original banner and the concept of EDSA as an Aquino family franchise. Yellow came to symbolize his own vengeful "Daang Matuwid" regime, tragically inducing a re-evaluation of what the disgraced Marcoses stood for — a small crack of opening for their return.

The annual celebrations commemorating Feb. 25 were downgraded and muted and crowds dwindled. A beneficiary of EDSA, Duterte, upon assuming the presidency, punctuated EDSA's demise by allowing the burial of the disgraced dictator at the "Libingan ng mga Bayani."

Not much has really changed after EDSA. Political dynasties and the oligarchy have prospered and increased their hold on the country's throat. They now completely permeate our system of governance. They are back! With the return of the son to Malacañang, restoration of the Marcos name was complete.

Reprising EDSA

Recently, Catholic and private Schools all over the country have decided to commemorate EDSA, its importance, hopes and aspirations after Duterte decided to tone down the celebrations and subsequently Marcos tried to distort its significance and extinguish its memories. There is a sense of deja vu, of the tumultuous days of February 1986 — perhaps a harbinger of things to come.

To some, EDSA 1986 was not a revolution. Classical revolutions like the birth of a newborn are always attended by a flow of blood. There was none then. Perhaps the current youth can midwife another rebirth. Or as some old adherents maintain, EDSA 1986 was an incomplete revolution.

This time let's finish this!