THIS month, we face two elections. The conclave in Rome where the leadership of the 1.4 billion Catholics in the world is decided upon by 133 electors and where all Catholics have no influence at all in the outcome; and the Philippine midterm elections, where the political leadership is voted upon by the millions of Filipinos, yet the outcome has long been determined by our dysfunctional governance system and the aberrant electoral process. To many Filipino Catholics, comparing the conclave to the midterm elections could be blasphemous. They could be wrong.

Conclave

A conclave is held only when a pope dies or abdicates. Convened to choose a successor, the electors are the cardinals, highly educated and experienced in the Church bureaucracy, having attained the highest ranks in their respective dioceses. They start as ordinary priests and go up the ranks as bishops and archbishops to princes of the Church. If elected in a conclave, he attains the highest rank of Bishop of Rome, Vicar of Christ on earth, successor to St. Peter.

Currently there are 252 cardinals but only 133 qualified electors. Those 80 years old and above are proscribed by the Church apostolic constitution. To be elected pope, the papabile needs two-thirds supermajority of 89 votes.

As in many Catholic Church traditions, the conclave has for millennia been steeped in mystery and the arcana of obscure protocols. The ancient ways are shrouded in the mist of time, impenetrable but for some rare instances. Church history is replete with leakages from these consistories providing morsels of compelling stories down the centuries.

As in any assemblage that anoints the most powerful from among themselves, conclaves are not entirely exempt from the exigencies of politics, bargaining, negotiations, and campaigning. In the Catholic faith, the Holy Spirit enlightens the cardinal-electors in their solemn duty but may be cognizant of the unholy political maneuverings and intrigues of the cardinals — who after all are only human, and exclusively male.

A case in point is the first conclave held in the Sistine Chapel in 1492. Cardinal Rodrigo Borgia, nephew of Pope Calixtus III was elected Pope Alexander VI. He bribed and bought the votes with promise of appointments to lucrative positions in the bureaucracy and the Church hierarchy. In 1590 King Philip II of Spain, the most powerful man in Europe, then wanted his own pope. In that conclave, he listed seven cardinals he could accept as pope and another list of 30 he wished to veto (yes, powerful Catholic monarchs had the right of royal veto then — jus exclusivae). The conclave did as he wanted. He got his Pope, Urban VIII who reigned for 12 days. (Wikipedia).

Admittedly excesses plague subsequent conclaves and scandals erupt intermittently to the present day but the Church has managed to impose corrective measures resulting in the election of God's good men, spiritual leaders influencing the directions of the Church, its teachings, and priorities. These are men of moral authority with views and voices spanning secular concerns on global issues on poverty, human rights, climate change and social justice. Post-war popes continue to shape cultural conversations and influence societal norms, not just among Catholics but in broader society — including other faiths.

PH midterm elections — out with the old

Contrast this with our election exercises since decades past when we discontinued electing serious leaders and patriotic politicians of vision. I quote a social media post attributed to former senator Franklin Drilon on the state of Philippine politics. He denied the quote, but the portrayals are valid just the same and probably the reason why it went viral.

"The best evidence of our political system's desperate bankruptcy is the proliferation of actors, actresses and comedians dominating our legislative and executive branches, including the local government units.

"Willy Revillame is a good man. He has helped a lot of people, including the women that he loved. But that doesn't make him prepared for the work of a senator. Philip Salvador is a fine actor. He made many people happy, including Kris Aquino, whom he gifted with a son. But such credentials are not what are needed in the Senate. Lito Lapid is an excellent actor, but he hasn't performed enough in the Philippine Senate. By insisting to remain in the Senate, he effectively eased out the more qualified, the more competent candidates.

"...Bong Revilla...has made politics his family business with his wife and sons all serving the government. Manny Pacquiao is the richest politician, next to the Villars. Of course, he deserves his wealth because he earned all of it. But the fact that he is a world champion in eight different boxing categories doesn't make him prepared as a legislator. Tito Sotto has been a good public servant, but he has served enough and at his age, he should give way to the younger, more dynamic and more progressive legislators. Erwin Tulfo should clarify his citizenship and explain to the people why the Commission on Appointments refused to confirm his appointment as DSWD secretary. Ben Tulfo should stay away from the Senate and should instead leave Raffy Tulfo alone there."

Correcting a defective system

More disturbing are the current reelectionists who during the Gordon Senate blue ribbon committee hearings refused to sign the draft panel report on the anomalies hounding the multibillion-peso Covid-19 contracts of the Duterte government. The multi-billion corruption and plunder were executed at a time of the country's greatest tragedy. They want your votes again: Lito Lapid, Pia Cayetano, Bong Go, Bong Revilla, Francis Tolentino and Imee Marcos.

I will not discuss the qualifications of the rest. I leave that to the individual voter to discern that correcting the systemic dysfunctions of our governance are of primordial importance (www.cdpi.asia). I refer to the systemic defects that have plagued our governance:

– Political patronage is deeply embedded in the political system where public officials prioritize personal gain over the public good and in the process fosters corruption, inequalities, weak institutions, erosion of democratic values and the distortion of the rule of law.

– Political dynasties proliferate, concentrating power in the hands of a few families, limiting political diversity, perpetuating a cycle of inequality and disenfranchisement. And in the Philippine context, political dynasties have married their interest with that of the oligarchy, blurring the lines between economic and political power accumulation.

– The unitary-presidential system of government as practiced in the country is the embryo upon which patronage politics is nurtured, and when paired with our electoral processes, it becomes the overarching environment upon which political patronage incubates.

These systemic anomalies interact resulting in bad governance reinforced by economic provisions in our 1987 Constitution that impede the influx of foreign direct investments (FDIs) which are the lifeblood of economic growth. We have been pushing for political reforms fruitlessly through constitutional revisions since President Cory's time.

Only a few senatorial candidates understand these magnitudes. Knowing their track records, if elected, they will work towards the revision of the 1987 Constitution: Norberto Gonzales, Raul Lambino and Sonny Matula. For what it's worth, we must vote for them.