THE previous two columns portrayed this fight between the Marcoses and Dutertes not so much as simply a conflict of personalities egged on by rabid partisans. This is not even a clash of political ideologies — as both are bankrupt of the same. But these are symptoms of what is defective with this country's system of governance. These flawed elements stitched onto our political fabric are woven into a tapestry of our systemic dissonance.

Historical context

The root of all this can be traced deep into our pre-Spanish history and customs when the bond between social classes, maharlika and maginoo (the nobles) to the freemen and slaves was balanced on the "padrino/patron relationship," primitively feudal but a perfectly working arrangement before its nature was transformed over the 300 years of Spanish tutelage and later, decades of American guidance. What was egregious was the imposition of another system of governance piggybacked on this traditional bond that began to alter the character of the rulers and the ruled.

For instance, America injected "Western concepts" of democracy and republicanism, particularly the idea of representative government, bypassing the cultural and political practices and roles of the datu and maharlika. This was the unitary-presidential system. Thus, along with all of these was the mutation of the pre-Spanish and pre-American "patron relationship" into what we now call the "traditional patronage system" as practiced to perfection by scions of powerful, charismatic but flawed political leaders, Marcos and Duterte peres. The modern patrons were ultimately the Philippine presidents.

Flawed political process

America's two-party system, alien to us, introduced the offices of the president and vice president. Both are elected as a team within a political party. Similarly, 100 American senators are elected, two per state constituting the upper chamber of the legislature, while the representatives (congress members), comprising the lower house, are elected through their districts. The election of the president and vice president is decided not by direct universal popular votes but by another American invention, the Electoral College. America did not hand this feature over to us.

These versions drastically departed from America's 200 years of their own experience in governance and were, therefore an American experiment over their first colony, ever. And these were all embedded into our 1935 Constitution. Allowing the two highest elected officials to be elected separately perfunctorily planted the seeds of discord (BBM-Sara in 2022, Duterte-Robredo in 2016, Aquino-Binay in 2010). And since they were elected universally, the vice president, along with the 24 senators, deemed themselves as entitled and almost co-equal to the presidency — a condition that is adversarial, inducing competition and strife. This is what is happening now with these incessant congressional/senatorial investigations, not so much in aid of legislation to improve laws — but in aid of their re-election. These hearings are typically used as launching pads by candidates to alter political narratives in their favor for the coming 2025 and 2028 elections.

Democratic deficits

These blatant democratic deficits are some of the root causes that, when paired with the US-imposed unitary-presidential system, become the petri dish for other political and societal evils to incubate. In passing, we identified these in last week's column as crony capitalism, kleptocracy, corruption and "rent-seeking activities" by those elected officials, and the bureaucracy and the birthing of political clans we now dubbed "political dynasties." The latter turns public service into a thriving family business, accumulating pelf and power, perpetuating the same through generations as heirlooms. Studies show that fully four-fifths of the senators and congressmen are scions of political clans. Thus, the constitutional ban on political dynasties is dead.

The overall effect of these defective structures inevitably resulted in the development of weak democratic institutions. Quoting the late Professor Jose "Pepe" Abueva, citing Gunnar Myrdal's book, "Asian Drama," depicting the Philippines as a soft state and a weak nation, he argues that "... it is unable to apply the law equally to all its citizens; our institutions are captives of the [political dynasty] oligarchy, and they serve mostly their own interest, the few rich allies, and powerful politicians. Our leaders failed to unite and inspire our diverse peoples as a nation."

It will be recalled that the US-sponsored 1935 Commonwealth Constitution was the overriding political document governing our political life until replaced by the Marcos 1973 Constitution, subsequently abrogated by the 1986 EDSA People Power Revolution. These authorizations contain these impaired structures underpinning our governance, buttressed by deleterious provisions evolving into what was to become the Cory Constitution of 1987.

Failure of an experiment

The presidential system may have worked in America after their experience of 200 years of democratic government. And still during those centuries, they learned to tidy up their system of governance with 27 amendments since the 1788 ratification of their constitution. This mature democratic country found it a necessity to amend its constitution to keep up with the times. Not in the Philippines.

The US' convoluted experiment with democracy and the presidential system clearly has faltered. Many of the political problems besetting our country can be traced back to the flawed political structure handed down to us under American tutelage. Yet, this was embedded in the 1935 Constitution of the Commonwealth, approved by US President Franklin D. Roosevelt and ratified by the Filipinos. This was the same constitution used after we gained independence from America in 1946.

Since then, we have revised our constitution twice: the Marcos 1973 Constitution as an aftermath of violence — martial law, and the Cory Constitution of 1987, a product of a revolution. The Marcos Constitution attempted a pseudo-parliamentary system, establishing the "Batasang Pambansa" as a unicameral legislature, replacing the Congress of the Philippines.

The Marcos Constitution was effectively abrogated by President Cory Aquino during the EDSA People Power Revolution and upon the proclamation of the shortlived and provisional 1986 Freedom Constitution. Subsequently a constitutional commission (ConCom) was convened to fashion a new constitution and ratified in a plebiscite in 1987. But the old defective political structures in the 1935 Constitution were reinstated. This constitution, with its inherent political infirmities, has not been amended since then.

Revision of 1987 Cory Constitution

We reach a point in this column where we will attempt to answer the questions attendant to the thesis that our political problems stem not from the personalities but from dysfunctional systems. It's not the people, stupid! It's the system! — to paraphrase a US president.

In the next few columns, we will discuss the various alternatives. All these options will require the restructuring of the defective political and economic systems that have stunted our growth in the last 100 years. We could have done better compared to our Asian neighbors since the end of WWII. Offhand, the solution will require the revision of the 1987 Constitution with the proposals to shift from our current unitary-presidential system to a parliamentary-federal one. Advocates for some type of changes to our structures of governance from Presidents FVR to Erap to GMA and Duterte have, in one way or another, initiated revisions of the 1987 Constitution. All failed.

To be continued on Dec. 25, 2024




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The Senate President crowed yesterday that the party he nominally coheads, PDP-Laban, has a “pleasant problem” — too many potential senatorial candidates. Koko Pimentel’s estimate is they have up to 20 possible choices for the 12-person slate for the 2019 senatorial race. But his list includes the five administration-affiliated senatorial incumbents up for reelection next year. This is a group that has made noises that, much as it prefers to remain in the administration camp, it is unhappy with the way PDP-Laban has been designating its local leaders and candidates, and therefore prefers to strike out on its own, perhaps in alliance with the other administration (regional) party, Hugpong ng Pagbabago, headed by the President’s daughter and current Davao City mayor, Sara Duterte.

Setting aside, then, the five-person “Force,” the administration-oriented but not PDP-friendly reelectionists (Nancy Binay, Sonny Angara, Cynthia Villar, Grace Poe, and JV Ejercito), what Koko’s crowing over is a mixed bag. Some of them have been floated by Speaker Pantaleon Alvarez (with whom Mayor Duterte clashed in recent months): six representatives (Gloria Macapagal Arroyo who is in her last term in the House of Representatives; Albee Benitez, Karlo Nograles, Rey Umali, Geraldine Roman, and Zajid Mangudadatu), three Cabinet members (Bong Go, Harry Roque, and Francis Tolentino), and two other officials (Mocha Uson and Ronald dela Rosa), which still only adds up to 11 possible candidates (who are the missing three?).

Of all of these, the “Force” reelectionists are only fair-weather allies of the present dispensation; their setting themselves apart is about much more than the mess PDP-Laban made in, say, San Juan where support for the Zamoras makes it extremely unattractive for JV Ejercito to consider being in the same slate. Their cohesion is about thinking ahead: Creating the nucleus for the main coalition to beat in the 2022 presidential election. The contingent of congressmen and congresswomen who could become candidates for the Senate, however, seems more a means to kick the Speaker’s rivals upstairs (at least in the case of Benitez and Arroyo) and pad the candidates’ list with token but sacrificial candidates, a similar situation to the executive officials being mentioned as possible candidates (of the executive officials, only Go seems viable, but making him run would deprive the President of the man who actually runs the executive department, and would be a clear signal that the administration is shifting to a post-term protection attitude instead of the more ambitious system-change mode it’s been on, so far).

Vice President Leni Robredo has been more circumspect, saying she’s not sure the Liberal Party can even muster a full slate. The party chair, Kiko Pangilinan, denied that a list circulating online (incumbent Bam Aquino, former senators Mar Roxas, Jun Magsaysay, TG Guingona, current and former representatives Jose Christopher Belmonte, Kaka Bag-ao, Edcel Lagman, Raul Daza, Gary Alejano and Erin Tañada, former governor Eddie Panlilio and Cebu City Mayor Tomas Osmeña) had any basis in fact.

What both lists have in common is they could be surveys-on-the-cheap, trial balloons to get the public pulse. Until the 17th Congress reconvenes briefly from May 14 to June 1 for the tail end of its second regular session (only to adjourn sine die until the third regular session begins on July 23), it has nothing much to do. Except, that is, for the barangay elections in May, after a last-ditch effort by the House to postpone them yet again to October failed.

Names can be floated but the real signal will come in July, when the President mounts the rostrum and calls for the big push for a new constitution—or not. Connected to this would be whether the Supreme Court disposes of its own chief, which would spare the Senate—and thus, free up the legislative calendar—to consider Charter change instead of an impeachment trial. In the meantime, what congressmen do seem abuzz over is an unrefusable invitation to the Palace tomorrow — to mark Arroyo’s birthday. An event possibly pregnant with meaning.

“Then I fall to my knees, shake a rattle at the skies and I’m afraid that I’ll be taken, abandoned, forsaken in her cold coffee eyes.” – A quote from the song, “She moves on” by Paul Simon, singer/songwriter

THE recent tremors affecting the central provinces of Mindanao caused by a series of seismic waves radiating to the northern and southern parts of the island, were like nature shaking a rattle, emitting sharp sounds and unnerving motions from the underground, both frightening and bewildering as to the intensity and confusion they generated.

The successive earthquakes and aftershocks were rattling the nerves not only of residents close to the epicenter but also those living along the active fault planes who were not used to strong earth movements. Some reported dizziness, anxiety, depression and other post-traumatic stress symptoms after experiencing continuous shaking and periodic vibrations.

As this article was written, less frequent but perceptible tremors were felt on the affected areas although everyone is reportedly bracing for aftershocks which many hope and pray, would not turn out to be the dreaded “big one,” as some irresponsible persons are falsely posting on social media. Shake a rattle drum to this latter blokes.

According to Philippine Institute of Volcanology and Seismology (Phivolcs), since the 1900s, Mindanao has been rocked by at least 35 earthquakes, three of which, felt at “Intensity 7” or worse, were deemed destructive: the 1976 Moro Gulf earthquake which caused a tsunami reaching up to nine meters that killed about 8,000 people including the unaccounted ones; the 1999 series of earthquakes in Agusan del Sur damaging roads, and poorly constructed schools and infrastructure; and the Sultan Kudarat earthquake in 2002, killing eight people with 41 others injured and affecting over seven thousand families in the provinces of Sarangani, North and South Cotabato (Rappler 2019). Shake a rattle of prayers for all who perished in these tragedies.

The series of earthquakes in October of this year, just weeks apart, with magnitudes of over 6 hitting many provinces, again, in Cotabato and southern parts of Davao accounted for the death toll of 22, damaging homes, school buildings and many infrastructure, shaking and sending chills to many residents who have to deal with continuing albeit smaller tremors which can be felt as far up the city of Cagayan de Oro and down the southern province of Sarangani.

Some local officials reported residents having developed “earthquake phobia” keeping watch on their clock hanging inside their tents in evacuation sites, losing sleep with anxiety awaiting when the next tremor would be coming. With frayed nerves, some would panic over even slight ground shakings.

But this is not about the temblor as much as the response of people and the country’s leaders and responsible officials. Except for the government of China which donated P22 million in aid and support for relief efforts in Mindanao, hurray for China, other foreign countries just expressed condolences and messages of sympathy to families of victims. No pledges, no assistance. Perhaps, they can’t trust our government agencies to do the job for them anymore. To them, a shake of the baby rattle.

To the initial bunch of donors who immediately come with their financial assistance such as Yorme Isko Moreno of Manila with his P5 million personal money, Mayor Vico Sotto with relief goods and P14 million coming from the people of Pasig City, Mayor Marcy Teodoro of Marikina with 100 modular tents, movie star Angel Locsin who moved about sans fanfare for her charity work offering food and other assistance to victims in Davao and North Cotabato, to Mayor Inday Duterte for relief distribution, Cebu provincial government for disaster relief campaign and to the many nameless others who came with their relief aids, shake a rattle of joy and thankfulness for their kindness and generosity.

To our government officials and politicians goes our appeal to set aside politics, distribute the relief items according to the wishes of their donors and not allow goods to rot because of political colors as was shown in the previous administration’s handling of donated goods. To them, shake a rattle of enlightenment and peace.

In whatever disaster or crisis that befalls the country, trust Filipinos’ resiliency and coping mechanisms such as resorting to prayers and humor to come to their succor.

Social media become a natural venue for memes, practical jokes and bantering such as the ones which came after Pastor Apollo C. Quiboloy reportedly claimed that he caused to stop the earthquakes so they can no longer create damage. To everyone, shake a rattle of laughter and fun while we help provide for the needs of our less fortunate brethren in Cotabato and Davao provinces.