FEBRUARY 25, 2025, is the 39th anniversary of the EDSA People Power Revolution (EDSA). All its major characters are long gone save one. Enrile, a political Cartaphilus, the wandering Jew, has outlived them all — Ferdinand Marcos, Cory, Cardinal Sin, General Ramos — and a host of dramatis personae in supporting roles, nonetheless critically part of the narrative — Reform the Armed Forces Movement (RAM), Gen. Fabian Ver, Doy Laurel, and many others. But EDSA could not have happened without the faceless ones — the nameless hordes who gathered at EDSA, Feb. 22 to 25, 1986.

I wrote then: "...We hanker to be part of the momentous movements of history and even begin to presume that we may indeed have been a major participant thereof — when in fact, we simply may have taken on a minor role — bit players in an unfolding drama on the world's stage. But it is this trifling part, when multiplied by the thousands that makes the involvement of each of us anywhere within the stream of events singularly significant. In this way, our collective action becomes history-making. We need not have been present physically at EDSA — we were the Spirit of EDSA." ("I remember..." TMT, Feb. 23, 2017).

The roots

EDSA was bound to happen after generations of misgovernance characterized by the entrenchment of a dysfunctional political patronage system that only produced for the majority of Filipinos a life of stark poverty, social inequality and injustice, and an overall sense of hopelessness. This was exacerbated by the authoritarian rule of Ferdinand Marcos whose legitimate two terms should have ended in 1973. But in 1972 he declared martial law. His regime was characterized by the suppression of civil liberties and political dissent, widespread human rights abuses creating a climate of fear. The economy was in a crisis, worsened by rampant corruption and institutionalized kleptocracy and cronyism.

All these built up a seething anger in the normally resilient and forgiving citizenry. But in 1983, the assassination of Ninoy Aquino, the opposition leader, upon his return from exile galvanized this public outrage. This became a rallying point for a weak but growing opposition to mobilize public indignation leading to mass protests and marches in the streets by an eclectic group of students, the youth, the religious sector and civil society. The gagged and silent media re-emerged as the "mosquito media" and began to perform its dangerous task spreading awareness to the general public, long misinformed by the cowed Marcos press and communication machinery.

Marcos upon the prodding of America called for a snap election to regain some semblance of legitimacy. This election was marred by fraud. The opposition, led by Corazon Aquino, won. But Marcos declared himself the victor. This was the last straw that broke the camel's back.

Everything came to a head on those February 1986 days with the spark provided by military defections and the mass gatherings at EDSA. We booted out the Malacañang dictator to exile to his sponsor's homeland, America, where he died ignominiously. Since then, various accounts and interpretations of EDSA persisting to the present have been acrimonious.

"It was a revolution! No, it was not, because blood did not flow! It was a military uprising! It was a coup d'etat. It was an American sponsored regime change! etc. etc."

It's all of the above.

Ambiguities of EDSA

Time has passed yet those four days in February 1986 with its complexities provided no closure, instead opened more wounds. Democracy was to be restored, and reforms initiated after years of martial law and authoritarian rule, but none materialized. Social inequalities, poverty and economic disparities worsened. We yearned to translate into realities what were then "motherhood statements" about people empowerment that could bring about national unity and a healing after years of societal polarization; and re-establishing the rule of law — not just a semblance of it. This did not happen.

Capture of the EDSA revolution

Many among us, the faceless participants, buoyed by the euphoria were recruited and accepted into Cory's government. But looking back now, we were wrong in our expectations on the "restoration of democracy." What was restored came with it the re-establishment of the rule of an oligarchy and the continued perpetuation of traditional politics — albeit with a new set of personalities. It was a parody of democracy.

We understood too that President Cory was from the elite and her values therefore were of those of her class — the ruling class — but we were hopeful that she would transcend these with the outpouring of love and adulation shown by the masses whose values may not have been congruent to hers.

At the outset, we implored her to continue to rule under the Revolutionary Constitution, granted to her by EDSA, to give herself more time to dismantle not only the martial law structures and the dysfunctional unitary system of government which continue to pervert democratic governance. We were no match for the ruling class. Cory surrendered her prerogatives to institute real socioeconomic-political reforms by rejecting the people's gift — the 1986 Revolutionary Constitution. She then proceeded to embed her dogmas in her 1987 Constitution.

Vilification of EDSA

The vilification of EDSA began. Tomes and articles were written debasing and defaming EDSA. Trickles of expressions of frustrations accelerated through succeeding administrations culminating in Cory's son's presidency. PNoy opportunistically rode on the people's residual love and nostalgia for an icon to win power. In his brimming arrogance, he tried to exact from the people who once took part in the EDSA revolution loyalty and adulation similar to that shown his mother. "Somos o no somos." He failed!

He co-opted his mother's original banner and the concept of EDSA as an Aquino family franchise. Yellow came to symbolize his own vengeful "Daang Matuwid" regime, tragically inducing a re-evaluation of what the disgraced Marcoses stood for — a small crack of opening for their return.

The annual celebrations commemorating Feb. 25 were downgraded and muted and crowds dwindled. A beneficiary of EDSA, Duterte, upon assuming the presidency, punctuated EDSA's demise by allowing the burial of the disgraced dictator at the "Libingan ng mga Bayani."

Not much has really changed after EDSA. Political dynasties and the oligarchy have prospered and increased their hold on the country's throat. They now completely permeate our system of governance. They are back! With the return of the son to Malacañang, restoration of the Marcos name was complete.

Reprising EDSA

Recently, Catholic and private Schools all over the country have decided to commemorate EDSA, its importance, hopes and aspirations after Duterte decided to tone down the celebrations and subsequently Marcos tried to distort its significance and extinguish its memories. There is a sense of deja vu, of the tumultuous days of February 1986 — perhaps a harbinger of things to come.

To some, EDSA 1986 was not a revolution. Classical revolutions like the birth of a newborn are always attended by a flow of blood. There was none then. Perhaps the current youth can midwife another rebirth. Or as some old adherents maintain, EDSA 1986 was an incomplete revolution.

This time let's finish this!

• Comelec asked to disqualify Tulfo siblings
• Reelectionists (incumbents seeking another term)
• Returning (former senators running for a new term)
• Former government officials
• Members or are backed by major political parties
• Made it at least once in the top 20 of pre-election surveys conducted by independent pollsters Pulse Asia and Social Weather Stations.

• Poverty, jobs and inflation
• Fighting graft and corruption
• West Philippine Sea
• Drug war
• Disaster preparedness

Each profile also contains the candidate's legislative agenda, government experience or field of expertise, issues and controversies faced, relatives in government and other interesting facts. Also included are the pertinent fact checks of, or related to the candidate, done by VERA Files Fact Check and its media and academic partners in the Tsek.ph collaboration.

Part 3 of the series covers aspirants who have not been a senator but are in the top 20 based on our criteria: Benhur Abalos, Abigail Binay, Willie Ong, Wilfredo Revillame, Bienvenido Tulfo, Erwin Tulfo and Camille Villar.

Last of a series

THIS column bookends the seven-part series on the sorry state of Philippine politics with the grim prognosis that our inherently defective system may not produce the kind of moral leadership that will break the cycle of depravity in governance that has been plaguing this country for generations, condemning Filipinos to the perpetual clutches of hardening poverty, impunity, injustice, corruption and a weak rule of law.

We wrote articles on the post-1986 administrations, "profiles in corruption" depicting the governance failure of six presidents negating the promise of the EDSA People Power Revolution. Corruption, among other things, defined each president's six-year term, buttressing our conjecture that Filipinos choose the lesser evil among the political leadership arrayed before them. Leaders are perceived as good and moral at the beginning but are eventually consumed by the system. Thus, we are condemned to wallow in our delusions that good can come out of this rot.

Choice of presidents — lesser evil

To stress our points, presidential candidates post-Cory Aquino were elected on the basis of their perceived better credentials. FVR won over Miriam Santiago and Speaker Ramon Mitra because Miriam didn't have the logistics; and Monching was a tradpol, an antithesis to the promise of EDSA, the last mirage of Filipino deliverance, and FVR was its poster child.

Erap, another tradpol, came in 1998, but his opponent Speaker Joe DV didn't have a chance against an actor who reprised his screen roles as "Erap para sa mahihirap" in a field of eight candidates. The adoring masses anointed Erap as the better choice. When Erap was booted out, his vice president, GMA, took the reins of government and won in 2004 against the popular actor FPJ amid the "Hello Garci" election scandals. She was the economics professor versus an unschooled charismatic actor. Again, a lesser evil choice.

The year 2010 saw Cory's son, Noynoy, an incompetent winning the presidency on a massive sympathy backlash upon her demise, trouncing nine other wannabees that included the ousted Erap, Speaker Villar and Gibo Teodoro.

The year 2016 ushered in Duterte, the outsider from the periphery hailed as a maverick that this country needs. An iconoclast breaking the Manila-centric cultural mold and therefore a lesser evil choice in a field of five — Mar Roxas, Grace Poe, Jojo Binay and Miriam Santiago.

In 2022 people opted for the offspring of former strongmen presidents — a son and the daughter heir-apparent in a field of nine — Pacquiao, Robredo, Moreno, Lacson and nuisance candidates Abella, de Guzman, Gonzales, Mangudadatu and Montemayor.

The conclusion arrived at is that these lesser evil choices have not produced for the Philippines the right type of political leadership equivalent to our Asian neighbors respective choices, the "Asian exemplars" — Lee Kwan Yew of Singapore, Mahathir Mohamad of Malaysia, and Park Chung Hee of South Korea ("In search of a political leadership, moral or otherwise," TMT, Feb. 12, 2025). Evidently, they sprung forth from systems different from ours, thus our search too for alternatives.

Choice of systems — less corrupt

I wrote way back ("Pursuing alternatives to democracy," Sept. 20, 2023) my thesis that, "We were gifted a version of governance that was deemed suited for us. America gave us a liberal unitary-presidential system... not its homegrown federal-presidential (government), making this an experiment...." Over time, this proved to be a failure, and our people were made to suffer as America's guinea pigs. Consequently, Filipino governance has become corrupt, underpinned by hypocritical democratic processes. Some alternatives, open for consideration:

– Federal-parliamentary system fusing the executive and legislative powers more conducive to participatory democracy — a model that encourages direct engagement from citizens in political decision-making processes, often through local assemblies or referenda. A fundamental feature, decentralization, reduces the powers of central authorities, delegating autonomy to local governments that can lead to more responsive and accountable governance.

These types of restructuring require revision of our Constitution. But with a complicit Senate and House under the grip of political dynasties and the oligarchy, all laws inimical to their interest can't be passed. Thus, no political, electoral, political party and campaign finance reforms, economic and anti-corruption laws are possible. The solution obviously is to dismantle and eliminate the current Congress.

– Authoritarianism: Some argue that a strong, centralized authority can lead to more efficient decision-making and less corruption. However, this often comes at the cost of personal freedoms and human rights. Offhand, this may be culturally incongruent to the Filipinos that have been nurtured through centuries of Spanish Catholic and American Christian values. Witness the failure of the Huks and the communist movements and their adjuncts, the NPA and the reactionary Alsa Masa. All failed, not to mention the martial law years. We were led to believe that democracy to flourish and be sustainable needed the spasms of sporadic blood drenching, a romantic fallacy perpetuated by America's history of belligerence. What a waste!

– Autocratic pragmatism: I rephrased what I wrote ("Autocratic pragmatism — one final act," TMT, Oct. 11, 2023). "It simply refers to a leadership style that combines elements of autocracy, where power is concentrated in the hands of one individual or a small group, with pragmatic decision-making, where decisions are based on practicality and effectiveness rather than ideological perspectives." It was perhaps destiny that three Asian leaders appeared at crucial moments in their countries' history — Lee Kwan Yew, Mahathir Mohamad, and Park Chung Hee — strong leaders with different historicity but were eventually successful by many metrics.

They were in power for many years, courtesy of their democratically elected political parties, and therefore were in a position to implement long-term policies stamping permanent imprimaturs; LKY for three decades as Singapore's prime minister; Mahathir, Malaysian prime minister for a combined 24 years, the former a parliamentary government and the latter parliamentary-federal. And Park Chung Hee, South Korea's president for 18 years in a presidential-unitary government — but without the divisive bicameral legislature.

Among others, a combination of these three systems serendipitously led by a type of leadership that we can only hope for in the Philippines. Autocratic pragmatism could be the right model for the country, provided:

We, the people, get the courage to drastically dismantle the current dysfunctional structures, the Senate, House, the political dynasties, and their allies, the oligarchy who control the lifeblood of our economy and politics.

A conundrum

There is this paradox of Philippine democracy — that democratic methods, originally imposed by American colonists and nurtured by our own flawed leadership, can't bring about democracy. It requires undemocratic measures to bring about democracy.

Ferdinand Marcos understood this, and in 1972, he acted, even executing Lim Seng, a Chinese drug lord, to set an example. The same could have been done to corrupt senators, congressmen and local government officials. But he balked. His decades-long reign was determined not by his ideals of a "New Society" and the rule of law but by greed. And the autocratic methods employed did not result in the greater good, unlike our Asian counterparts.

The current incompetent and corrupt administration is clueless. Thus, we are condemned to our democratic failures unless and until we, the people, not our complicit political leadership, with some sane men in uniform, do the final act. And resolve this paradox.

Election Profile

Personal Information

• Age and date of birth: 47 (May 7, 1977)
• Party: Katipunan ng Nagkakaisang Pilipino (Chairman)
• Highest Educational Attainment: Harvard University Executive Education Program on Public Policy and Leadership (December 2008)
• Highest Government Position Held: Senator

Summary

Stance on Key Issues

On Poverty, Controlling Inflation, and Jobs

• Vows to go after cartels in the importation sector and eliminate red tape in ports to lower goods prices.
• Plans to amend the Rice Tariffication Law to reduce market prices while protecting local farmers' income and production.
• Pushes for increasing the education budget to fix curriculum gaps, enhance technology and infrastructure, and reform K-12 to make graduates more employable.

On Fighting Graft and Corruption

• Supports banning offshore gaming operations, calling them a national security threat.
• Pushes for a clearer anti-corruption strategy in government.
• Advocates refiling the anti-political dynasty bill, arguing that concentrated power in few families is undemocratic.

On the West Philippine Sea

• Supports the administration’s policies on the West Philippine Sea, including the "assertive transparency initiative", which publicizes China’s aggressive acts.
• Opposes over-reliance on the U.S., advocating for a balanced foreign policy while maximizing long-time alliances for defense procurement.

On The Drug War

• Holds Duterte’s administration accountable for extrajudicial killings during the drug war.
• Agrees that Duterte should face charges in the ICC but believes he should be tried in Philippine courts first.

On Disaster Preparedness

• Calls for stronger disaster preparedness, not just for typhoons and floods but also extreme heat, citing climate change as a health crisis.
• Pushes for climate change laws that also cover disaster rehabilitation for rebuilding homes and infrastructure.

Government Experience / Field of Expertise

• Senator (2013 - 2019)
  • Chaired committees on:
    • Science and technology
    • Education, culture, and arts
    • Trade, commerce, and entrepreneurship
    • Youth affairs
  • Principal sponsor and co-author of RA 10931 (Universal Access to Quality Tertiary Education Act)
    • Institutionalized free tuition in state and local universities.
  • Authored RA 10644 (Go Negosyo Act)
    • Promoted ease of doing business for micro, small, and medium enterprises (MSMEs) through Negosyo Centers nationwide.
  • Filed an anti-political dynasty bill in 2018, which stalled in second reading.
• Chairman & CEO - National Youth Commission (2003 - 2006)
• Commissioner-at-Large - National Youth Commission (2001 - 2003)

Issues and Controversies

• Faced multiple legal complaints (2019):
  • Charged with sedition, cyber libel, libel, and obstruction of justice for a video series linking Rodrigo Duterte to illegal drug trade.
  • Cleared of all charges in 2020.
• Allegedly linked to Maute Group’s 2017 Marawi terrorist attacks
  • Claim was made by former Justice Secretary Vitaliano Aguirre II, but he later retracted his allegations.

Family Members in Government

Paul Aquino (Father)

• President & CEO, Energy Development Corporation (2004 - 2010)

Serviliano “Mianong” Aquino (Great-Grandfather)

• Delegate for Samar, Malolos Congress (1898 - 1899)

Benigno Aquino Sr. (Grandfather)

• Representative - Tarlac, second district (1919 - 1928; 1945 - 1946)
• Speaker - National Assembly, Tarlac-at-large (1943 - 1944)
• Commissioner of the Interior - Philippine Executive Commission (1942)

Agapito “Butz” Aquino (Uncle)

• Representative - Makati City, second district (1998 - 2007)
• Deputy Speaker, House of Representatives (2000 - 2001)
• Senator (1987 - 1995)

Benigno “Ninoy” Aquino Jr. (Uncle)

• Senator (1967 - 1972)
• Governor - Tarlac (1961 - 1967)
• Vice Governor - Tarlac (1959 - 1961)
• Mayor - Concepcion, Tarlac (1955 - 1959)
• Presidential Adviser on Defense Affairs (1949 - 1954)

Jesli Aquino Lapus (Uncle)

• Secretary, Department of Trade and Industry (March - June 2010)
• Secretary, Department of Education (2006 - 2010)
• Representative - Tarlac, third district (1998 - 2008)
• Undersecretary - Department of Agrarian Reform (1987 - 1989)

Additional Relatives in Government

Corazon “Cory” Cojuangco-Aquino (Aunt)

• President of the Philippines (1986 - 1992)

Maria Teresa “Tessie” Aquino-Oreta (Aunt)

• Senator (1998 - 2004)
• Representative - Malabon-Navotas, lone district (1987 - 1998)

Benigno Simeon “Noynoy” Aquino III (Cousin)

• President of the Philippines (2010 - 2016)
• Senator (2007 - 2010)
• Representative - Tarlac, second district (1998 - 2007)
• Deputy Speaker - House of Representatives (2004 - 2006)

Herminio Aquino (Great-Uncle)

• Vice Governor - Tarlac (1998 - 2001)
• Representative - Tarlac, third district (1987 - 1998)
• Minister - Ministry of Human Settlements (1986 - 1987)

Antolin “Lenlen” Oreta III (Cousin)

• Mayor - Malabon City (2012 - 2022)
• Vice Mayor - Malabon City (2010 - 2012)
• Councilor - Malabon City (2007 - 2010)

Jose Lorenzo “Enzo” Oreta (Cousin)

• Councilor - Malabon City (2016 - 2022)

Election Profile

Personal Information

• Age and date of birth: 76 (June 1, 1948)
• Party: Independent
• Highest Educational Attainment: Master in Government Management, Pamantasan ng Lungsod ng Maynila (1995 - 1996)
• Highest Government Position Held: Senator

Summary

Stance on Key Issues

On Poverty, Controlling Inflation, and Jobs

• Pushing for the “Edukasyon Plus” program, providing free tuition, monthly allowance, and internship programs for students to reduce dropout rates and alleviate poverty.
• Vows to focus on providing employment opportunities and capacity building as an integral part of social welfare programs to minimize the need for subsidies.

On Fighting Graft and Corruption

• Proposes that all public officials be exempt from the Bank Secrecy Act to promote transparency.
• Calls for a stop to the overregulation of businesses, which he says has led to corruption by public officials demanding money under the table.

On the West Philippine Sea

• Advocates an independent foreign policy where the Philippines does not sway toward China or the United States but instead cooperates with regional nations that share similar interests.

On The Drug War

• Says that Duterte’s war on drugs was "prostituted" by a rewards system that incentivized authorities for every drug suspect captured.

On Disaster Preparedness

• Calls for a shift in disaster preparedness strategy from reactive to proactive to avoid only acting when calamities strike.
• Questions unspent funds for disaster risk reduction, stressing the need to use these funds for projects that boost resilience to catastrophes and emergencies.

Government Experience / Field of Expertise

• Chairman, PNP Foundation Inc. (2008 - present)
  
  
• Senator (2001 - 2013; 2016 - 2022)
  
  
  • Authored laws including:
    • RA 11055 - National ID Law
    • RA 11479 - The Anti-Terrorism Act of 2020
    • RA 11469 - Bayanihan to Heal as One Act
    • RA 11053 - Anti-Hazing Law of 2018
    • RA 11709 - Strengthening Professionalism in the Armed Forces of the Philippines
    • RA 9485 - Anti-Red Tape Act of 2007
    • RA 10969 - Free Irrigation Act of 2018
• Presidential Assistant on Rehabilitation and Recovery (2013 - 2015)
  
  
• Chief, Philippine National Police (PNP) (Nov. 1999 - Jan. 2001)
  
  
• Chief, Presidential Anti-Organized Crime Task Force (1998 - 2001)
  
  
• Project Officer, Special Project Alpha (1996 - 1997)
  
  
• Chief, Task Force Habagat, PACC (1992 - 1995)
  
  
• Provincial Director, Laguna, PNP (Feb - July 1992)
  
  
• Commander, Cebu Metrodiscom (1989 - 1992)
  
  
• Provincial Commander, Isabela PC (1988 - 1989)
  
  
• PC-INP Anti-Carapping Task Force (1986 - 1988)
  
  
• Metrocom Intelligence and Security Group (1971 - 1986)
  
  

Issues and Controversies

• 1995 Kuratong Baleleng Case:
  
  
  • Charged as principal suspect in the murder of 11 Kuratong Baleleng gang members, but the case was dismissed in 2012 due to lack of probable cause.
• Dacer-Corbito Case (2000 Murder Case):
  
  
  • Accused of orchestrating the murders of publicist Salvador “Bubby” Dacer and his driver, Emmanuel Corbito.
  • Fled to Hong Kong in 2010 but later returned after the Court of Appeals cleared him of all charges.
  • Claimed he fled to avoid harassment from the Department of Justice and then-President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo.
• Allegations of Martial Law Torture:
  
  
  • Historian Alfred McCoy alleged that Lacson was part of an elite torture group during Martial Law, but Lacson has denied this.

Family Members in Government

• None

Election Profile

Personal Information

• Age and date of birth: 76 (March 14, 1948)
• Party: Reform PH Party
• Highest Educational Attainment: Master’s in Business Management, Asian Institute of Management (1981)
• Highest Government Position Held: Senator

Summary

Stance on Key Issues

On Poverty, Controlling Inflation, and Jobs

• Argues that government aid (ayuda) should be audited and distributed by government agencies, not credited to lawmakers whose role is legislation.
• Advocates for better wage regulation and a more accurate cost-of-living assessment across provinces.
• Emphasizes the need for accurate data on poverty thresholds for families to afford food, clothing, shelter, education, and tuition.
• Supports the end of contractualization and urges labor groups to organize better.

On Fighting Graft and Corruption

• Opposes a political dynasty ban, arguing that some political families serve well, but is against dynasties dominating local politics.
• Supports punishment for turncoat politicians who switch parties for convenience.
• Advocates for public officials' statements of assets, liabilities, and net worth (SALN) to be made public.
• His Reform PH Party supports a national anti-corruption task force and a public accountability portal to report corruption.

On the West Philippine Sea

• Believes that “the Philippines doesn’t have an army, but the Philippines is an army”, meaning the country should prepare for threats.
• Supports amending Commonwealth Act #1 (National Defense Act) to modernize conscription policies, expand training, and increase the defense budget.

On The Drug War

• Opposes tokhang-style drug war.
• Against the death penalty for heinous crimes, including drug trafficking, stating “people will still kill each other, even if killing has been outlawed since the time of Jesus Christ”.

On Disaster Preparedness

• His Reform PH Party supports early warning systems and disaster management plans.
• Wants to strengthen the Office of Civil Defense and the AFP for disaster relief.

Government Experience / Field of Expertise

• Secretary, Department of Information and Communications Technology (2019 - 2021)
  
  
• Senator (1995 - 2004; 2017 - 2019)
  
  
  • Authored:
    • Clean Air Act (RA 8749)
    • Ecological Solid Waste Management Act of 2000 (RA 9003)
  • Co-authored:
    • Philippine Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Act of 2010 (RA 10121)
  • Committee Chairman:
    • Agrarian Reform, Public Order and Dangerous Drugs, Public Information and Mass Media
  • Assistant Majority Leader, Commission of Appointments (2018 - 2019)
• Commandant - Special Operations School, Philippine Army Training Command, Fort Magsaysay, Nueva Ecija (1986 - 1987)
  
  
• Chief of Security - Ministry of National Defense (1981 - 1987)
  
  
• Aide-de-Camp to Juan Ponce Enrile, Secretary of National Defense (1974 - 1986)
  
  

Issues and Controversies

• DICT Confidential Fund Scandal (2020)
  
  
  • Under Honasan’s leadership, the DICT spent ₱300 million in confidential funds for surveillance.
  • The COA and former DICT Undersecretary Eliseo Rio Jr. flagged fund disbursement irregularities.
• Graft Charges (2017)
  
  
  • Charged with two counts of graft for alleged misuse of a ₱30-million PDAF (2012).
  • Cleared of both charges in 2021.
• EDSA Revolution & RAM
  
  
  • As Chief Security Officer of Juan Ponce Enrile, Honasan led the Reform the Armed Forces Movement (RAM), which withdrew support from Ferdinand Marcos Sr. in 1986.
  • RAM, composed mostly of junior military officers, attempted to overthrow Marcos, leading to the EDSA Revolution that installed Cory Aquino as president.
• Coup Attempts Against Aquino (1987 - 1989)
  
  
  • Led two of the bloodiest coup attempts against Cory Aquino.
  • Arrested in December 1987 for a failed August coup, where Benigno Aquino III was injured and three security men were killed.
  • Escaped from a prison ship in April 1988 with 13 guards.
  • Led another coup attempt in December 1989.
  • Granted amnesty by Fidel Ramos in 1992.
• Oakwood Mutiny (2003)
  
  
  • Charged with rebellion for alleged involvement in the Oakwood Mutiny against Gloria Macapagal Arroyo.
  • Charges dismissed in 2007.
• 2006 Arrest
  
  
  • Arrested after a nine-month manhunt for organizing a botched coup against Arroyo.

Family Members in Government

• None

Election Profile

Personal Information

• Age and date of birth: 46 (Dec. 17, 1978)
• Party: Partido Federal ng Pilipinas
• Highest Educational Attainment: Bachelor of Arts in Political Science, major in Local Government Administration, University of Makati (2019)
• Highest Government Position Held: Senator

Summary

Stance on Key Issues

On Poverty, Controlling Inflation, and Jobs

• Says addressing corruption is a prerequisite to solving poverty and unemployment in the country.
• Believes strengthening micro, small, and medium enterprises can help provide more jobs to Filipinos.
• Calls for the proper implementation of the OFW Handbook.

On Fighting Graft and Corruption

• Vows to fight graft and corruption, calling it the "cancer of this country" and the root cause of its economic problems.

On the West Philippine Sea

• Condemns China’s aggression in the West Philippine Sea and maintains that the Philippines “will not stand down to China’s bullying.”
• Urges Filipinos to work together in protecting and maintaining the security of the country.

On The Drug War

• Said during his 2022 presidential campaign that there were extrajudicial killings under Duterte’s drug war and that those responsible must be held accountable.
• Vowed to fight drugs “the right way” if elected president.

On Disaster Preparedness

• Has called for a 50-year disaster resiliency master plan and suggested the creation of a “super-agency” to manage the country’s disaster response and resilience as well as the government’s climate change policies.

Government Experience / Field of Expertise

• Senator (2016 - 2022)
  
  
  • Filed bills to revive the death penalty for kidnapping, rape with homicide, manufacturing, and trafficking illegal drugs, but later softened his stance, saying the judicial system must be fixed first.
  • Authored and co-authored bills that became laws, including:
    • RA 11163 (National Bible Day)
    • RA 11227 (OFW Handbook)
    • RA 11223 (Universal Health Care Act)
• Representative - Sarangani Province, lone district (2010 - 2016)
  
  

Issues and Controversies

• Legal Battle in the U.S.
  
  
  • Endured a three-year legal battle in the United States for alleged breach of contract with Paradise Sports Management, which he won when the California Superior Court ruled in his favor in 2024, declaring the contract “void due to illegality.”
• Tax Evasion Case
  
  
  • Faced a tax evasion case in 2013 for allegedly failing to pay around ₱3.30 billion in tax deficiencies, including penalties, on his fight earnings in the U.S. in 2008 and 2009.
  • Case was junked by the Court of Tax Appeals in 2022, ruling that the BIR’s tax assessment was void due to lack of sufficient factual basis and violated Pacquiao’s right to due process.
• Attendance Issues
  
  
  • Had the third-lowest attendance among senators from July 2018 to June 2019.
  • Was also among the top absentees during his term as a congressman.
• Controversial LGBTQ+ Remarks
  
  
  • In 2016, he described members of the LGBTQ+ community as "worse than animals," for which he was heavily criticized.
  • Later backtracked on this stance while campaigning for president in 2022.
• Clash with Duterte & PDP-Laban Split
  
  
  • Had a "word war" with former President Rodrigo Duterte over issues of corruption, the West Philippine Sea, and his billion-peso tax case.
  • This led to the breakup of PDP-Laban into two factions, prompting Pacquiao to run under Abag PROMDI in the 2022 presidential election.

Family Members in Government

Jinkee Pacquiao (Wife)

• Vice Governor - Sarangani Province (2013 - 2016)
• Second nominee of Maharlikang Pilipino sa Bagong Lipunan partylist for the 2025 elections.

Rogelio Pacquiao (Brother)

• Governor - Sarangani Province (2022-2025)
• Representative - Sarangani Province, lone district (2016-2022)

Alberto "Bobby" Pacquiao (Brother)

• President, Liga ng Barangay, General Santos City (2023-present)
• Chairman - Barangay Labangal, General Santos City (2023-present)
• Representative - OFW Family Party-list (2019 - 2022)
• Councilor - General Santos City (2016 - 2019)

Bonifacio Pacquiao (Cousin)

• Councilor - Alabel, Sarangani (2019-present)

Lorelie Pacquiao (Sister-in-law)

• Mayor - General Santos City (2022 - present)
• Councilor - General Santos City (2019 - 2022)

Zyrex Pacquiao (Cousin)

• Mayor - Maasim, Sarangani (2019 - present)

Mark Joseph Pacquiao (Cousin)

• Provincial Board Member - Sarangani Province (2024-present)

Russell Jamora (Brother-in-law)

• Provincial Board Member - Sarangani Province (2019 - present)

Personal Information

• Age and date of birth: 61 (Aug. 24, 1963)
• Party: Liberal Party (Chairman)
• Highest Educational Attainment: Master’s in Public Administration, Harvard University
• Highest Government Position Held: Senator

Summary

Stance on Key Issues

On Poverty, Controlling Inflation, and Jobs

• Urges the government to revoke the permits of traders who are hoarding and smuggling rice to stabilize and lower prices, stressing that this will drive the cost of other goods down.
• Proposes a two-pronged approach to addressing wage concerns:
  • Increase the minimum wage to a “livable wage.”
  • Cut red tape and bribery in government’s business dealings to improve the country’s overall investment climate.

On Fighting Graft and Corruption

• Vows to expose smuggling in the importation of goods.
• Aims for good governance reforms in the agriculture sector, especially to stop corruption in public biddings for agricultural supplies and machinery.
• Lauds the ban on offshore gaming operators and urges the prosecution of public officials involved in the “den of criminal activities.”

On the West Philippine Sea

• Actively denounces China’s aggressive moves in the West Philippine Sea (WPS).
• Supports the policy of asserting the country’s 2016 victory in the South China Sea arbitration and the filing of diplomatic protests against China.
• Calls for the defense of the Philippines’ 200-nautical mile exclusive economic zone in the WPS, a rich source of fish crucial for the country’s food security.

On The Drug War

• Calls the Duterte administration’s bloody drug war a crime and condemns its use of the national police as a “killing machine.”
• Emphasizes the program has failed to end the spread of illegal narcotics and the need to punish high-profile drug personalities.
• Says the International Criminal Court has jurisdiction over alleged crimes against humanity committed in the Philippines while it was a state party to the Rome Statute, and that those responsible must be investigated and held accountable by the tribunal.

On Disaster Preparedness

• Urges the use of the Sagip Saka Law and direct sourcing from local farmers for palay and other agricultural products as relief goods during calamities to bolster disaster preparedness efforts.
• Pushes for climate resiliency programs that include emergency cash-for-work during times of disaster relief and rehabilitation.

Government Experience / Field of Expertise

• Chairman, PNP Foundation Inc. (2008 - present)
• Senator (2001 - 2013; 2016 - 2022)
  • Minority Leader, Commission on Appointments (2017 - 2020)
  • Majority Leader (2004 - 2008)
  • Served as chairperson of various committees such as:
    • Constitutional amendments and revision of codes
    • Agriculture and food
    • Social justice and rural development
    • Tourism, agrarian reform
    • Rules, education, arts, and culture
    • Justice and human rights
    • Urban planning, housing, and resettlement
    • Ethics and privileges
  • Authored and sponsored over 200 bills that became laws, including:
    • RA 11321 (Sagip Saka Act)
    • RA 9262 (Anti-Violence Against Women and their Children Act of 2004)
    • RA 9293 (Amending the Philippine Teachers Professionalization Act)
• Presidential Assistant for Food Security and Agricultural Modernization (May 2014 - Sept. 2015)
• Councilor - Quezon City Fourth District (1988 - 1992)

Issues and Controversies

• Filed libel and cyber libel charges against YouTube channel Bungangera TV in 2024 for posting videos accusing him of adultery and sexual assault; also sued the authorized representatives of Google and YouTube Philippines for “aiding and abetting” a cybercrime.
• Filed another cyber libel suit, along with his wife Sharon Cuneta, against entertainment columnist Cristy Fermin in May 2024 for “libelous statements” made about the couple’s personal affairs.

Family Members in Government

• Relationship: Father-in-law
• Positions held:
  • Mayor - Pasay City (1988 - 1998; 1971 - 1986; 1951 - 1967)
  • Appointed Mayor - Rizal City (1950)

Vicente “Tito” Sotto III, #59

Personal Information

• Age and date of birth: 76 (Aug. 24, 1948)
• Party: Nationalist People’s Coalition
• Highest Educational Attainment: A.B. English, Colegio de San Juan de Letran
• Highest Government Position Held: Senator

Summary

Stance on Key Issues

On Poverty, Controlling Inflation, and Jobs

• Advocates for agricultural modernization and an increase in the budget for the agricultural sector to spur economic growth.
• Says the government must buy at least 50% of its output at farmgate prices.

On Fighting Graft and Corruption

• Says there should be no confidential funds or, at least, these must be subject to audit.
• Believes fighting corruption can be solved through internal cleansing and leading by example.

On the West Philippine Sea

• Suggests a co-venture project with China in the WPS on a 60-40 arrangement from joint exploration in “our area,” with the bigger share going to the Philippines, and a 60-40 division in favor of China from explorations in “their area.”

On The Drug War

• Says Duterte’s drug war was incomplete and suggests a holistic approach that focuses not only on enforcement and prosecution but also on prevention and rehabilitation.

On Disaster Preparedness

• Underscores the need to review environmental laws, guidelines, and implementation at the local government level, particularly for typhoon preparedness.

Government Experience / Field of Expertise

• Senator (1992 - 2004; 2010 - 2022)
  
  
  • Senate President (2018 - 2022)
  • Authored and sponsored bills that became laws, such as:
    • RA 11469, Bayanihan We Heal as One Act
    • RA 11479, Anti-Terrorism Act of 2020
    • RA 11036, Mental Health Act of 2017
    • RA 11223, Universal Healthcare Act
    • RA 10640, Comprehensive Dangerous Drugs Act of 2002
    • RA 10361, Domestic Workers Act
    • RA 9262, Anti-violence Against Women and their Children Act of 2004
• Chairman - Dangerous Drugs Board, Office of the President (July 2008 - November 2009)
  
  
• Vice Mayor - Quezon City (1988 - 1992)
  
  
  • Presiding Officer - Quezon City Council (1988 - 1992)
  • Chairman - Quezon City Anti-Drug Abuse Council (1988 - 1992)

Issues and Controversies

• 2017: Criticized for saying that then-Social Welfare Secretary Judy Taguiwalo, a single mother, was “na-ano lang” (just knocked up). Later said it was a joke, but critics did not accept it.
  
  
• 2012: Faced an ethics complaint for plagiarizing Sarah Pope and two other U.S. bloggers in a speech against the reproductive health bill, a charge his staff admitted to.
  
  
• 2012: Accused of plagiarism again for lifting portions of his speech against the reproductive health bill from a 1966 speech by U.S. Senator Robert F. Kennedy. Sotto admitted to translating the portions but refused to consider it plagiarism.
  
  
• Pepsi Paloma Rape Case: Described it as a "showbiz gimmick" and pointed to the late actress' manager, Rey Dela Cruz, as the mastermind of the controversy.
  
  

Family Members in Government

Gian Carlo G. Sotto (Son)

• Vice Mayor - Quezon City (2019 - present)
• Councilor - Quezon City, Third District (2010 - 2019)

Dorielle Maria “Lala” Sotto-Antonio (Daughter)

• Chairperson - Movie and Television Review and Classification Board (2022 - present)
• Councilor - Quezon City, Sixth District (2013 - 2022)
• Councilor - Quezon City, Third District (2001 - 2010)

Valmar “Val” Sotto (Brother)

• Councilor - Parañaque, Second District (2004 - 2013)

Viktor Eriko “Wahoo” M. Sotto (Nephew)

• Councilor - Parañaque, Second District (2013 - 2022)

Victor Ma. Regis “Vico” Sotto (Nephew)

• Mayor - Pasig City (2019 - present)
• Councilor - Pasig City, First District (2016 - 2019)

Nina Celine Sotto (Niece-in-law)

• Councilor - Parañaque, Second District (2022 - 2025)

Cesar Sotto (Uncle)

• 2nd National Assembly (Commonwealth), Mindanao and Jolo (1939 - 1941)

Vicente Sotto (Grandfather)

• Senator (1946 - 1950)
• 6th Philippine Legislature - Cebu, Second District (1922 - 1925)
• Councilor - Cebu (1902 - undetermined)

Filemon Sotto (Granduncle)

• Senator (1916 - 1922)
• 3rd Philippine Legislature - Cebu Province, Third District (1912 - 1916)
• 2nd Philippine Legislature - Cebu, Third District (1910 - 1912)
• 1st Philippine Legislature - Cebu, Third District (1907 - 1909)
• Councilor - Cebu (1903 - undetermined)

Part two of this election profile series covers former senators who are trying to regain seats in the chamber: Paolo Benigno Aquino, Gregorio Honasan, Panfilo Lacson, Emmanuel Pacquiao, Francis Pangilinan and Vicente Sotto III.

(Second of three parts) In the upcoming May 12 elections, Filipino voters will choose 12 among 66 candidates for the Senate for a term of six years. The primary job of a senator is to craft pieces of legislation to address policy gaps, improve existing laws through amendments, scrutinize the national government's proposed annual budget, exercise oversight functions, among other duties.

In this three-part series, VERA Files Fact Check compiled relevant information about select senatorial hopefuls to help the electorate in making the choice.

From the Commission on Elections' official list of 66 senatorial candidates, we narrowed it down to 20 based on the following criteria:

• Reelectionists (incumbents seeking another term)
• Returning (former senators running for a new term)
• Former government officials
• Members or are backed by major political parties
• Made it at least once in the top 20 of pre-election surveys conducted by independent pollsters Pulse Asia, Social Weather Stations and OCTA Research.

The 20 aspirants were then grouped into three – reelectionists, returning and first-timers – then arranged alphabetically.

From song and dance numbers to motorcades, Senate hopefuls have employed various ways, tactics and styles to woo voters. Some went house-to-house, others opted to address larger audiences through campaign caravans or made their presence felt on social media platforms long before the official campaign period. But where do they stand on issues that voters most care about?

In this series, VERA Files kept track of statements, advocacy, policy agenda, bills authored that have become laws and the aspirants' consistency in their standpoint on the following urgent national concerns:

• Poverty, jobs and inflation
• Fighting graft and corruption
• West Philippine Sea
• Drug war
• Disaster preparedness

Each profile also contains the candidate's legislative agenda, government experience or field of expertise, issues and controversies faced, relatives in government and other interesting facts. Also included are the pertinent fact checks of, or related to the candidate, done by VERA Files Fact Check and its media and academic partners in the Tsek.ph collaboration.

Part 2 of the series covers former senators who are trying to regain seats in the chamber: Paolo Benigno Aquino, Gregorio Honasan, Panfilo Lacson, Emmanuel Pacquiao, Francis Pangilinan and Vicente Sotto III.

Know more about your senatorial bets:

• Paolo Benigno "Bam" Aquino
• Gregorio "Gringo" Honasan
• Panfilo "Ping" Lacson
• Emmanuel "Manny" Pacquiao
• Francis "Kiko" Pangilinan
• Vicente "Tito" Sotto III