MY column last week was about the global trade war resulting from Trump's tariffs. This act — unsanctioned by the US Congress — was aimed at protecting American industries through his faulty concept of reindustrializing America ("Trump's fool's errand," TMT, June 11, 2025).

Tariffs were meant to lure manufacturing back to America. These protectionist initiatives with complex consequences instead proved to be counterproductive, leading to price increases to US consumers, job displacements in legacy industrial sectors that often face their own challenges adapting to new technologies and shifting market demands.

The long-term effects are still unfolding, as nations adjust to new economic realities and global trade dynamics, exacerbating volatility.

But this singular act among many is just Trump's latest that US allies and foes attribute to what the columnist Zachary Wolf of CNN labeled as the "madman theory." Trump acknowledged this when asked in a presscon if he would ever use military force to defend Taiwan. His retort (referring to Xi Jinping): "I wouldn't have to, because he respects me and he knows I'm f***ing crazy..."

Madman's compulsions

Last February, Trump suggested to buy and occupy Greenland "... for national and international security." Denmark's curt reply: Greenland's not for sale! Trump also suggested to annex Canada as the US' 51st state. He topped this off with his grandiose plan to 'own' the Gaza Strip, relocate the Palestinians to 'someplace somewhere' and turn it into the "Riviera of the Middle East."

These harebrained declarations were never debated in Congress but got the full endorsement of Netanyahu, the equally unhinged premier of Israel, Trump's twin, currently decimating Gaza.

Conflicts on tipping points

Currently, the world is confronted by crisis after crisis that could lead to even more serious "hot shooting wars." And here is Trump interjecting inane and alarming ideas on how to resolve them — all off the cuff. It is disconcerting for the most powerful politician, believed to be cognitively impaired, to be acting in an infantile fashion, all by himself, "with no adults in the room," unmindful of the dangerous implications of his compulsions.

Ukraine, for example, continues to be a flashpoint for global tensions. The war has now resulted in significant humanitarian crises and economic devastation. The potential for escalation through miscalculations remains high, particularly with the involvement of the old Soviet countries now in NATO. Trump as president-elect arrogantly but foolishly declared he can end the war in "24 hours upon taking office" — and proceeded to berate and humiliate Zelinskyy and alienate European allies in that famous White House presscon on Feb. 28, 2025.

Now the Ukraine peace process is on hold, the war dragging on with Russia having a slight edge. But Trump, who painted himself into a corner as the self-proclaimed peacemaker — "because Putin is my good friend and he listens to me" — may execute another precipitate move, another madness. Meantime his 90-day tariff suspension will terminate in two weeks.

Tariff negotiations

The current approach to reciprocal negotiations which Trump touts as "kicking ass" is a prime example of his leveraging US power to extract concessions from US trading partners. Yet with such outrageous challenges, no wonder his prime target for negotiations, China, is not that receptive.

The rah-rah boys in his Cabinet and the cowed GOP leadership ascribe Trump's moves as negotiating tactics — utilizing a strategy of "maximum pressure" — that aggressive bully tactics could lead to better deals. Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt oozes with syrupy gooeyness, describing her boss as the "greatest negotiator in the world, ever."

MAGA cliches

Trump's "America First" agenda, central to what passes for a political philosophy, prioritizes US interests, often at the expense of traditional alliances discarding global norms. This deliberate disruption of established political mores and practices allows him license to insult allies, spit on diplomatic protocols, which his MAGA extols as refreshing behavior. And this isolates America.

Trump's rhetoric and policies often piggybacked onto populist sentiments, emphasize nationalism and skepticism toward institutions, and dangerously toward a cavalier treatment of the rule of law. These resonated with voters who felt that previous administrations, Republicans and Democrats alike, had not adequately prioritized American sovereignty and interests. All these are made palatable to a solid minority base of what Hillary Clinton described as "a basket of deplorables" — those who felt left behind by globalization and singled out for imagined injustices by America's elite.

The flip side — where US is bullied

In contrast to Trump's global madman's bully tactics, one country stands as an exception, immune from such treatment by past US governments. I draw heavily from Jeffrey Sachs, a prominent economist and public policy analyst, on the Jewish state's deep influence on US foreign policy, particularly with regard to the Middle East. To contextualize, a brief history. "... We start with the Balfour Declaration of 1917, establishing a national home for the Jewish people in Palestine. This was the impetus for Zionism, a nationalist movement affirming the Jewish right to self-determination in its ancient homeland. This became the core concept for the founding document — Mandate for Palestine, based on the 1919 Covenant of the League of Nations... a flood of displaced Jews escaping the European pogroms gave flesh to Israel. ("Israel-Palestinian conflict: Genesis of terrorism," TMT, Oct. 18, 2023.)

Fusion of foreign policies

Sachs' contention is that Israel's interests since its creation have been singularly championed by America. In effect, Israel co-opted American foreign policy. The repercussions can be refracted through the prism of these five constructs:

1. American politicians, especially those with strong ties to the Jewish community, often prioritize Israeli interests in their foreign policy agendas, resulting in a distorted narrative interpreting the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

2. The pro-Israel lobby groups fortified with sizable gray cash have inappropriate influence on the elections of American congressmen, senators and political leadership of the Democratic and Republican parties; and therefore, shape US foreign policy aligning with Israel's concerns, overshadowing broader US interests in the region.

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3. American military assistance and logistics are part of a broader strategy to support Israeli policies and actions in the region. This reinforces the view that US foreign policy is primarily focused on supporting Israel rather than promoting peace or addressing the concerns of Palestinians.

4. Research indicates that the framing of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in American media portrays heavily Israeli and Jewish viewpoints consistently against the Palestinians, distorting public opinion and, consequently, political decisions. Approaches to peace process dynamics often fail to adequately address Palestinian needs and rights. US policy tends to reinforce the status quo, which favors Israeli settlements and military presence rather than fostering genuine negotiations for a two-state solution.

5. Approaches to peace process dynamics often fail to adequately address Palestinian needs and rights. US policy tends to reinforce the status quo, which favors Israeli settlements and military presence rather than fostering genuine negotiations for a two-state solution.

While this column is being written, Israel just attacked Iran. They are now at each other's throats, exchanging missiles, butchering their citizens. We don't know where this will lead to. Trump refusing to prevent an escalation as complicit instead is pouring hot oil on this conflict, warning Iran to "immediately evacuate Tehran."

The madman theory applies to both. Trump's methods are as dangerous as Netanyahu's. Israel holds America by the balls. Therein lies the conundrum — with two madmen at the helm of their governments — there is no method to their madness.