The Centrist View: Back to Basics

In an era marked by deepening social divides, persistent inequality, and political uncertainty, the Philippines stands at a critical juncture in its national life. Competing ideologies vie for dominance, often pulling the nation toward extremes. Amid this turbulence, a centrist perspective — rooted in the principles of human dignity and human rights — offers a balanced and principled framework for rebuilding trust, safeguarding citizens, and renewing democratic life.

Human Dignity as the Foundation of Rights and Responsibilities

At the core of the centrist vision is the belief that every Filipino possesses inherent human dignity — not conferred by the state, but intrinsic to being human. This dignity forms the moral and legal foundation of all human rights: civil liberties, political participation, and access to essential services such as education, healthcare, and livelihood.

But dignity is more than an entitlement; it is also a responsibility. It calls on individuals not only to claim their own rights but also to respect and uphold the rights of others — in speech, in conduct, and in civic life. The Centrist View affirms that rights and responsibilities are inseparable, and that a just society depends on mutual recognition of each person’s worth.

Human Rights in a Divided Political Landscape

In recent years, human rights in the Philippines have become a flashpoint — celebrated by some as the bedrock of democracy, dismissed by others as a hindrance to order and discipline. The centrist approach resists this false binary.

Instead, it upholds human rights as non-negotiable, especially for the most vulnerable: victims of extrajudicial killings, displaced indigenous communities, and ordinary citizens left behind by corruption and impunity. At the same time, it recognizes the need to contextualize rights within the broader social fabric — considering public safety, poverty, and institutional capacity.

The absolute moral positions of the Church — opposition to abortion, divorce, and same-sex marriage — moral truths which many Filipinos adopt unquestioningly, conflict with human rights discourses or secular principles such as reproductive health, women’s rights, and LGBTQ inclusion. The war on drugs under the Duterte administration was often justified using absolute moral language — portraying drug use as an evil that must be eradicated at all cost. This moral framing enabled EJK and human rights abuses, with limited public resistance due to the perceived moral righteousness of the campaign.

The anti-corruption rhetoric (all corruption is evil) uses moral absolutism (that certain actions are inherently right or wrong regardless of context, consequences, or cultural norms) but the application of justice in the Philippines is frequently selective, exposing the hypocrisy and dangers of absolutism when wielded by those in power. Human rights violations during Martial Law (torture, illegal detentions, censorship) can be judged as morally wrong in absolute terms, regardless of the justifications of national security or economic progress. However, moral relativism is often used to justify or downplay these events, especially by those who benefit from historical revisionism or political dynasties.

The late dictator son’s administration has emphasized technocratic leadership — appointing economic managers, military officials, and political elites into key positions — often sidelining consultative, grassroots-driven policy-making. His seeming focus on stability and economic continuity is reflected in his cabinet choices; still this pragmatic approach is viewed as centralizing authority and downplays participative governance, especially from civil society organizations, marginalized sectors, and opposition voices.

The DepEd and CHED directives to revise or soften the language around martial law abuses reflect a systemic push toward historical revisionism, legitimizing the current administration while erasing past atrocities. In lieu of outright censorship, the present administration uses strategic communication and digital manipulation through troll farms, algorithmic manipulation, and disinformation campaigns, to promote a favorable image. Contrary opinions and criticisms are viewed as “fake news” and attempts to discredit the administration are seen as libelous that merit congressional inquiry, purportedly, in aid of legislation.

The administration exhibits a form of authoritarian pragmatism more subtle than the previous dictatorship but no less concerning in its long-term implications. The challenge for Filipinos today is to critically assess this pragmatism: who benefits, who is silenced, and at what cost is “progress” achieved.

The Centrist View rejects both moral absolutism and authoritarian pragmatism. It seeks to foster a culture in which human rights are not only enshrined in law but also respected in practice, and where governance is accountable, transparent, and humane.

Rebuilding Trust in Institutions and the Rule of Law

The erosion of public trust in the justice system and the prevalence of political patronage have undermined faith in democratic institutions. When laws are applied unequally — when the wealthy and powerful escape accountability while the poor face violence and neglect — human dignity suffers.

A centrist response calls for the revitalization of institutions as a moral imperative:

• A justice system that is impartial, efficient, and accessible to all;
• Security forces that serve the Constitution and the people, not personal or political interests;
• Governance that is participatory, transparent, and responsive — especially to marginalized communities.

Restoring confidence in institutions, in the Centrist View, is not only about efficiency; it is about affirming the dignity of every citizen and the credibility of democracy itself.

Social Justice Without Extremism

Despite economic growth, the Philippines continues to grapple with stark inequality, underdevelopment in rural areas, and persistent conflict in regions such as Mindanao. Politics is downplaying the gains of the Bangsamoro Autonomous region, as changes in policies are manifest in each subsequent administration. These are not just policy failures — they are affronts to human dignity.

The centrist approach to social justice promotes meaningful, targeted reforms:

• Long-term investments in quality education and healthcare as fundamental human rights;
• Genuine land reform and rural development to empower farmers and indigenous peoples;
• Inclusive and decentralized governance, particularly in historically marginalized regions.

Unlike radical ideologies that call for revolution or sweeping overhauls, the Centrist View advocates for gradual, evidence-based reforms that preserve national stability while addressing deep-rooted injustices.

Pluralism and Mutual Respect in a Diverse Nation

The Philippines is a nation of many cultures, faiths, and identities. Respecting human dignity means embracing this diversity, not suppressing it.

The centrist vision affirms that unity can only emerge from mutual respect — not forced conformity.

All Filipinos — regardless of ethnicity, religion, sexual orientation, or social status — have the right to live free from discrimination and violence. Dialogue, rather than dogma, is the foundation of lasting peace and nation-building.

In this spirit, the Centrist View aligns with the universal values of human rights: that every person has the right to live, believe, speak, and participate fully in society — while also contributing to the common good.

Conclusion: A Call for Principled Moderation

The Centrist View in contemporary Philippine society is not a position of passivity or indifference. It is a call for principled moderation — an approach that seeks:

• To place human dignity at the center of policy and public life;
• To uphold human rights not as partisan slogans but as shared moral imperatives;
• To advance nation-building through inclusion, institutional reform, and civic responsibility.

In an age defined by polarization and populism, the Philippines needs a renewed commitment to moral clarity, balanced leadership, and shared humanity. In this vision, human dignity is not merely an abstract ideal — it is a living promise that belongs to every Filipino.

"THE Philippines today produces one illiterate for every five senior high school graduates." This was the disturbing finding of the Functional Literacy, Education and Mass Media survey (Flemms) released by the Philippine Statistics Authority (PSA). Under the promulgated redefined standards starting with the graduating class of 2024, the following categories apply (PSA Board Resolution 13, series of 2024):

"Functional literacy is the ability of a person to read, write, compute, and comprehend. In addition to the basic literacy skills, functional literacy includes a higher level of comprehension skills, such as integrating two or more pieces of information and making inferences based on the given information.

"Basic literacy rate is computed for individuals 5 years old and older, while functional literacy rate is computed for individuals 10 to 64 years old."

In the usual bureaucratese, the latest redefinitions thus interpreted was officially submitted to the Senate last year, that: "18.9 million Filipinos who completed secondary education between 2019 and 2024 may be considered 'functional illiterate' — students who could read, write, and compute but could not comprehend what they had read."

In light of these shameful facts, this column attempts to assess the impact of this number of illiterates on our country's development. The 20 percent illiterate graduates will be entrusted, together with the literate four-fifths, in the crafting of our future government when they reach voting age in the next couple of election cycles. It is uncomfortable to know these statistics. But prior to 2024 we have already unleashed many of those illiterate graduates upon our body politic.

Midterm election results

In my past two columns on interpreting the results of the midterm elections, I quoted a former senator describing the midterms as the mechanism for allowing comedians, actors, performers and the corrupt into positions of power, and whose basic qualifications are their popularity and brand name recall, heavily contributing to their electability.

I advanced the arguments that the poor showing of the Alyansa senatorial slate was not exactly a result of a referendum on President Ferdinand Marcos Jr.'s three-year-old administration. There was never a serious debate on the notions of governance by the president. There were of course the complaints of inflation resulting in high prices of practically everything "...bigas, pamasahe, gasolina, twisyon, atbp.," and on the perception of an inept leadership that cannot control corruption in the bureaucracy and a rising tide of criminality.

But these problems are offshoots of the systemic dysfunctions of governance, which have transcended various Philippine regimes in varying degrees of gravity and discussed ad infinitum in past columns. These are old lingering issues.

The 5-5-2 senatorial results (Marcos-Duterte-Aquino camps) were personality-driven which have always underpinned our traditional political practices. But this time, former president Rodrigo Duterte's rendition to exile elicited massive sympathy votes, always a factor to the underdog-loving Pinoys. This gave the DDS a huge advantage. Marcos' imprudent strategy of putting his whole administration behind this act two months before election was milked by the Duterte camp to its last drop.

For a deeper appreciation of the results, the much hyped and anomalously funded campaign only produced five senators for the Alyansa, five for the PDP-Laban and two from the old pinklawan camp. The latter couldn't be called "pure" opposition, as Bam and Kiko, abhor either of the political dynasties. Nevertheless, this pinklawan duo, plus the rest of the incoming senators-elect, will have to coalesce with the seated senators based not necessarily on ideological or principled kinship but on purely personal or pecuniary interest coated with the usual motherhood statements calculated to be attractive to the populace, particularly those who voted them into office. Impeaching Vice President Sara Duterte may be in their interest, narrowing the field for the 2028 presidential race.

Effects of illiterates' voting patterns

And here is where the two concepts of this column converge. The effects of the voting patterns of illiterates — if they do indeed vote — to their role in crafting good governance through the election of a responsible political leadership.

Let me reiterate the Flemms contention that "Functional illiterates can read, write, compute but could not comprehend what they have read."

It is obvious that we need to mitigate these deficiencies. Central to understanding the voting patterns of these illiterates are their inability to undertake critical thinking and to discern complex ideas that involve government policies and governance, which lead to these voters prioritizing popularity of candidates over substantive qualifications.

A candidate's popularity, charisma, or media presence trump those with the more relevant experience and expertise, but less public exposure. These illiterates are also more susceptible to the influence of social media and networks of influencers which have proliferated Philippine internet in the past few election cycles; with catchy slogans but inane and attractive memes resonating on these simple minds.

These shrewd candidates connect better with these types of voters with the former appealing to their emotions and rudimentary humor and rendition of "budot" dances, so popular at the "entablado" rather than initiating substantive policy discussions. Thus, our political leadership, particularly in the Senate, are filled with populists inured to dispensing resources profligately, prioritizing immediate, popular measures over long-term planning, which can lead to unsustainable policies.

Functional illiterates unequipped with tools to distinguish the nuances of a candidate's qualifications more often must rely on endorsements from community leaders, organizations and even glib-tongued charlatans from religious sects that can guide their voting decisions. Local politicians and ward leaders in their communities often serve the highest bidders within a slate. These are those whom the mostly illiterate gravitate towards.

And the more deadly attraction is the distribution of "ayuda" which could really clinch the preference for the candidates who dispense the most. And in the Philippine system of traditional politics, all sides resort to these types of incentives — herding the functionally illiterate voters to the candidates best endowed with such logistics.

The officials we get

With the impelling voting patterns of this large segment of our electorate, we get the officials few of us deserve. We therefore put into power populist officials who give premium to maintaining popularity rather than addressing complex societal issues. They may lack the skills to implement effective policies, let alone initiate or create the same — leading to dysfunctions in governance, yet they are our duly elected political leaders.

This column doesn't in any way suggest that 20 percent of the voters of each side — as reflected by the 5-5-2 senatorial results — are functionally illiterate and the minority are independent-minded electors. I leave this to the pollsters to frame the questionnaires that could unravel this conundrum; mindful of the fact that these major pollsters, SWS, Pulse Asia and OCTA had eggs in their faces in the last elections, for arrogantly predicting erroneous outcomes.

But what is certainly called for is for the senators to look into the Flemms findings that propelled the Philippines to the 87th world ranking on illiteracy out of 130 countries. And for whatever its worth, have the courage to correct these infirmities. Or disprove prevailing suspicions that the illiterate voters are just mirror images of those that now sit in those hallowed halls.

Erratum

In my column of May 28, 2025, presidential assistant to the president Anton Lagdameo was erroneously referred to as Anton Floirendo. Floirendo is Lagdameo's middle name.