Parliamentary government and political party reform

Parliamentary government and political party reform Featured

Lito Monico C. Lorenzana
LML Polettiques
31 July 2025
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Last of a series

THE first and second parts of this column series portrayed an aberrant Senate, their expedient political party memberships, and a cursory depiction of an anomalous political architecture of governance forming part of my suggested agenda hinting on: an enactment of an anti-political dynasty law; reforming the perverted party-list; and abrogating the presidential system towards a parliamentary government, requiring constitutional revisions.

A case for a parliamentary system

The stark contrast between our current predicament and the success stories of other nations begs for a critical reevaluation of our political architectural blueprint. A significant percentage of successful, politically stable governments with thriving economies have, notably, adopted parliamentary systems. Nations such as Germany, Great Britain, the Nordic countries, Japan, Singapore, South Korea and Malaysia stand as testaments to the efficacy of this governmental model. These archetypes offer compelling evidence that a fundamental shift in our political framework could unlock a path towards greater stability, economic prosperity and more accountable governance. The time is ripe to meticulously extract and adapt features from these successful parliamentary systems that could genuinely benefit the Philippines.

But what is a parliamentary government in contrast to a presidential one. In the former, the legislative and the executive powers are fused and vested in a bicameral or preferably a unicameral parliament; and the head of government is the prime minister, with his Cabinet recruited from among the members of parliament (MPs). The republican concept imposed on us by America on the fictional independence of the three branches of the executive, legislative and judiciary is drastically modified in the parliamentary system.

President to prime minister

The president is the head of state, elected from among the MPs; and upon taking his oath he ceases to be a member of parliament or any political party. The president is meant to be the unifying symbol of the Filipino nation, and his powers are largely ceremonial; unlike our Philippine presidents elected universally for a potential two four-year terms prior to 1986; and a single six-year term with no reelection from 1987 onwards. Our presidencies have been the wellsprings of patronage politics, “the petri dish upon which corruption and all the evils of politics incubate.” Parliamentary government gets rid of this type of a presidency in lieu of a prime minister, the head of government that must work with his majority political party. He may serve a five-year term with reelection, depending on his performance and the government of the day.

A unicameral parliament is composed of elected members from the parliamentary districts — MPs, plus those chosen on the basis of “proportional representation” by the political party according to the votes each party obtained in the preceding elections. This is the original concept of a “party-list,” members chosen by the political parties constituting 30 percent of the total number of MPs and the seats reserved solely for the “less privileged” — farmers, fisherfolk, workers, etc. Party-lists, as we have today under our anomalous 1987 Constitution, are not meant to run separately and outside of a nationally accredited party.

As proposed by the Centrist Democrats, any elective official who leaves his political party before the end of the term shall forfeit his seat and will be replaced by his political party.

A mechanism to replace a prime minister is for parliament to withdraw its confidence and choose a successor by a majority vote of all its members. This “vote of no confidence” is a much easier process of replacing a head of government in a parliamentary system than the current impeachment process.

A parliamentary government is also called a “party government” because of the pivotal role of political parties in parliamentary elections, governance and public administrations.

The role of real political parties

A critical precondition to a parliamentary government is the enactment of laws that will result in the creation of real political parties, discussed in the first part of this series. This can be a priority of this 90th Congress as this is imminently doable without the need for constitutional revisions. To reiterate and put things in proper perspective:

“Political parties are the primary vehicles to gain political power by engaging themselves in political contests, primarily elections. The members and their leadership are expected to adhere to a set of principles and strategies written in a platform unique to that party. This espousal of a vision of governance defines the ideological identity of that party — and therefore, the electorate must be permitted a patent choice — as to who must govern them based on what the candidates and their respective parties stand for.”

The 2016 Rufus Rodriguez bill

Central to addressing the deeply rooted issues within our political landscape are immediate and comprehensive reforms to our political party system. These reforms are not contingent upon the arduous and often protracted process of 1987 constitutional revisions. Instead, a more immediate and pragmatic pathway lies in the long-overdue passage of the proposed Political Party Development and Financing Act — the Rufus Rodriguez congressional bill. This crucial piece of legislation, regrettably pending in Congress for several years, holds the potential to fundamentally reshape the very nature of political engagement in our country.

Firstly, the proposed Act aims to penalize “turncoatism,” a pervasive and corrosive practice also known by its local epithets, “balimbing” or “political butterfly.” This phenomenon, where elective officials brazenly switch political parties, often for self-serving opportunistic gains, undermines party principles and betrays the trust of the electorate. The Act proposes severe consequences, including expulsion from elective public office and party membership, should such acts be deemed inimical to party principles. This provision is vital for fostering greater loyalty, ideological coherence and accountability within political parties, moving away from the transactional nature of Philippine politics.

Secondly, the Act seeks to enforce transparent mechanisms for providing and regulating campaign financing. This is a critical step towards dismantling the insidious trifecta of graft, corruption and patronage that has long plagued our political system. By establishing clear and stringent rules for corporate and individual contributions, the legislation aims to shed light on the often opaque world of political funding, thereby reducing the opportunities for illicit financial dealings and undue influence. Transparency in campaign finance is not merely a technical adjustment; it is a fundamental pillar for ensuring fair elections and preventing moneyed interests from dominating the political discourse.

Thirdly, the proposed legislation aims to institute strict state subsidy that will professionalize political parties by supporting their political education and campaign initiatives. This innovative approach, already successfully implemented in many European countries, recognizes that robust and ideologically driven political parties are essential for a healthy democracy. By providing financial support for political education, the Act would empower parties to invest in policy research, member training, and public engagement, fostering a more informed and principle-driven political discourse. Furthermore, supporting campaign initiatives through state subsidies could level the playing field, allowing parties to compete on the strength of their ideas rather than solely on the size of their war chests, thereby mitigating the influence of wealthy donors and special interests.

Now that VP Sara’s impeachment is hanging in the air, this Senate agenda may be worth considering.000
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