MY three-part column late last month suggesting an agenda for the incoming Senate discussed cursorily five interrelated topics among the myriad that need reforms: political dynasties, the perverted party-list, the dysfunctional presidential system, political party reforms and a shift to parliamentary government.

Today’s column is an addendum consolidating the above issues in an attempt to propose changes in the Constitution. Our experiences in constitutional revision/amendments over the years have been futile and frustrating given that three of the two methods of revising the constitution — constitutional convention (ConCon) and constituent assembly (ConAss) leave decision-making entirely to the Senate and the House. And they have been indecently dribbling the ball all along, so to speak – unable to free themselves from the shackles of self-interest.

But we, the Centrist Democrats (CD/CDPI/CDP) have not lost hope. We are therefore proposing to the 20th Congress a doable enterprise, this time involving direct participation of our citizenry. The third mode for amending the constitution — people’s initiative (PI). The mechanics will be discussed thoroughly in next week’s column.

PI will target a shift to parliamentary government from a dysfunctional presidential system and the deletion of some onerous constitutional provisions that are restrictive to our economic growth and the Political Dynasty Act. The party reforms and the party-list can be mitigated by the Rufus Rodriguez bill pending in both houses for years now.

Political dynasties

The anti-political dynasty constitutional provision was unequivocal and designed to be self-executory but has not been enacted due to the lack of an enabling law by the very people mandated to do the job but who are by now 80 percent controlled by political dynasties — the legislature.

PI would take effect immediately upon ratification, without requiring further legislative action. We propose a clear definition of a political dynasty: “Members of the same family, within the second civil degree of consanguinity or affinity, simultaneously or successively hold or run for public office at the national or local level.”

The Commission on Elections (Comelec) would be explicitly mandated to strictly implement this provision during the filing of certificates of candidacy. This direct and enforceable measure aims to dismantle entrenched political power structures, open opportunities for new leadership, and foster a more meritocratic and representative political system.

Political party reforms

Perhaps two of the most impactful and eagerly anticipated reforms lie in the proposed new section on Political Party Reform (Article IX, Section C) and the amended Anti-Political Dynasty Provision (Article II, Section 26). The Philippine political landscape has long been criticized for its personality-driven nature, where political affiliations often shift based on convenience rather than ideology, a phenomenon known as “political turncoatism.” PI seeks to institutionalize a genuine party system based on ideology, platforms and democratic principles, explicitly prohibiting political turncoatism, party-switching, and personality-based politics (see “Part 3: Parliamentary govt and political party reform,” TMT, July 30, 2025).

Shift to parliamentary government

To reiterate (TMT, July 30, 2025), at the heart of this proposed reform is the radical transformation of the executive department, advocating for the abolition of the presidential form of government in favor of a parliamentary system (Batasang Pambansa, BP). The existing presidential model has been a consistent source of persistent gridlock, personality-based politics, and weakened public accountability. This stems from the inherent separation of powers, which can often lead to stalemates between the executive and legislative branches, hindering the passage of crucial legislation and effective governance.

Under a parliamentary structure, the prime minister would assume the role of head of government and commander-in-chief, directly elected by a majority of the members of parliament (MP). This direct link between the executive and legislative branches is designed to foster greater political cohesion and responsiveness. The prime minister’s accountability would be immediate and direct, subject to a “vote of no confidence,” ensuring that the government remains aligned with the will of the parliamentary majority.

Complementing this, a ceremonial president, elected by parliament, would serve as the head of state, with powers strictly defined by law. This separation of ceremonial and executive functions aims to depoliticize the head of state role, allowing the prime minister to focus squarely on governance.

Senators, House members to ‘mambabatas’

The legislative arm would also undergo a significant overhaul, transitioning to a unicameral parliament, a single legislative chamber, intended to accelerate lawmaking, reduce bureaucratic hurdles and enhance efficiency. This streamlined legislative body, composed of MPs elected through a mixed-member proportional representation system (see “Perverted party-list...” TMT, July 23, 2025) aims to ensure broader sectoral and regional representation. MPs would serve a four-year term, with eligibility for reelection.

Economic liberalization with national safeguards

Beyond political dysfunction, the economic provisions of the 1987 Constitution, particularly those limiting foreign ownership in key sectors, have been identified as significant impediments to robust growth. Phrases like “limited to Filipino citizens” or the “60-40 ownership rule” in vital areas like the national economy, education, mass media and advertising, while ostensibly intended to protect national patrimony, have inadvertently created formidable barriers to foreign direct investment (FDI), technology transfer and job creation.

This has left the Philippines lagging behind its regional counterparts in attracting crucial capital and expertise, thereby constraining its ability to achieve its full economic potential. This liberalization is not envisioned as an unchecked opening of markets. The amendment explicitly mandates that such laws must “uphold national interest, reciprocity, and strategic control over natural resources, land, media, and critical infrastructure.” This nuanced stance aims to strike a balance: attracting much-needed capital and expertise while safeguarding strategic national assets and ensuring that economic benefits accrue to the Filipino people. Furthermore, the proposal emphasizes inclusive economic growth, regional development, and robust support for local industries and agriculture, underscoring a commitment to ensuring that economic progress is broadly shared and sustainable.

Navigating the transition affirming sovereignty

Recognizing the monumental nature of these changes, the proposed Transitory Provisions (Article XVIII) outline a clear roadmap for implementation. Within one year of ratification, Parliament (Batasang Pambansa) is to be constituted, with the current Congress serving as a “transitional legislative body” tasked with enacting all necessary implementing laws.

The full transition to a parliamentary system is envisioned to be completed within three years, ensuring a structured and orderly shift. The election of the prime minister and president under the new system would occur during the first parliamentary session, marking the official commencement of the new governance structure.

PI is more than just a set of proposed amendments. It is a powerful affirmation of the Filipino people’s sovereign right to shape their constitutional future. It represents a collective aspiration for a government that is not only responsive and responsible but also genuinely accountable to its citizens. By addressing the perceived weaknesses of the current system and introducing reforms that promote equitable economic growth, robust political parties, and a level playing field free from dynastic control, this initiative seeks to lay the groundwork for a more resilient, inclusive, and truly democratic Philippines.

Its success hinges on the collective will and active participation of the citizenry, demonstrating that true change must indeed emanate from the people themselves.