Second of 3 parts

In this malevolent triumvirate version of the Philippine Deep State, the oligarchy and the political dynasty (Olipolidyn) acquire certain permanency and continuity that supersede the third component, those who are constitutionally term-limited, like the president/patron, although the latter's temporal powers have deadly immediate and irreparable consequences when applied. Witness President Duterte causing the downfall of the Lopez family by disenfranchising its flagship ABS-CBN; marginalizing the Rufino-Prieto clan, owners of the Philippine Daily Inquirer (PDI) and who for years were accused of "swindling" the government of billions of pesos for the "illegal" use of the Mile Long complex, a 6.2-hectare Makati property; and Roberto Ongpin's PhilWeb that was forcibly sold for a song to Gregorio Araneta, an erstwhile Duterte supporter and a relative of the Marcoses by marriage.

The Olipolidyn, two different faces of the same coin, if not allied to a sitting strong presidency/patron, may encounter temporary setbacks. But the more dominant partner, the oligarchy, with its vast resources, will always attempt to exert influence over the political dynasties, the running of the Philippine economy, the lifeblood of the country, and, by extension, the levers of government.

Democracy and republicanism

The defective Philippine political structure is predisposed toward rectifying any imbalance ultimately in favor of the oligarchy, tending to concentrate political power on a few as we govern ourselves, a derivative of our cultural and political history forged over the centuries.

The American colonialists introduced republicanism and democracy, the idea of a State, checks and balances, political parties, a constitution, and the subsidiary idea of popular sovereignty, where authority is derived from the consent of the governed, among others. These concepts were overlaid on the Spanish/European 'divine right of kings,' which view was itself piggy-backed on the original Filipino sultanate/datu system of governance. (This will be discussed further in part 3 next week.)

Briefly, republicanism emphasizes a system of government where the head of state (the top patron) and the political leadership are chosen by the people based on their qualifications and merits and perforce is accountable to them. And democracy highlights the idea that government authority should be based on the will of the people and the rule of law rather than by divine right. Further refinements are that the citizenry indirectly participates in decision-making through democracy's most sacrosanct held belief — voting in elections, notwithstanding the necessary precondition that the voters must be educated and discriminating enough to choose from a menu of yet another inviolable doctrine — ideologically differentiated political parties.

These are ideas alien to the Spanish-indoctrinated Filipino natives where for 300 years, authority derived from the rightfulness and legitimacy of the sword and the cross, which in turn had already eroded and perverted the original Filipino patriarchal reliance on native sultans and datus.

These are the evolving anomalous realities over the centuries leading to our homegrown Filipino mongrelized oligarchy, the political dynasties (Olipolidyn), and the top patron underpinned by the iniquities of political patronage (Polpat). These are structured toward the accumulation and concentration of political power.

Political parties and their co-optation

As a class, the Philippine oligarchy, though not itself elected, vies for political power by fielding its own members, co-opt or capturing existing ones, or creating its own political parties. As intended by the dictates of democracy and republicanism, "Political parties are the primary vehicles to gain political power by engaging themselves in political contests, primarily elections. The members and their leadership are expected to adhere to a set of principles and strategies written in a platform unique to that party. This espousal of a vision of governance defines the ideological identity of that party - and therefore, the electorate must be permitted a patent choice - as to who must govern them based on what the candidates and their respective parties stand for." (www.cdpi.asia, CDP/CDM/CDPI manuals)

The oligarchy understands this only too well, and attempts at perverting the whole concept to conform to their interest have been pervasive and, thus far, successful. A case in point is three currently existing ones.

The Nacionalista Party (NP), the oldest Philippine political party founded in 1907, was captured and funded by the real estate magnate and former House speaker Manny Villar, one of the country's richest businessmen when he ran unsuccessfully for the 2010 presidency. The NP subsequently propelled his wife, Cynthia, to be the No. 1 senator in the 2013 elections, with the son, Mark, conveniently ensconced as secretary of the Department of Public Works and Highways (DPWH) in 2016 under President Duterte. Mark is now a senator in a mother-son tandem, with the NP's four sitting senators comprising 16.675 percent of the 24-member senate. Daughter Camille is the current deputy speaker of the House of Representatives. The NP has 38 congressmen.

The Nationalist People's Coalition (NPC) was founded in 1992 by the late Eduardo "Danding" Cojuangco Jr. when he ran for president and lost. He was one of the few politically savvy oligarchs who was the late dictator Ferdinand E. Marcos' protégée. The NPC is now under the tutelage of Danding's subaltern, who is now a self-made billionaire, Ramon Ang (RSA). The NPC can boast five senators, 20.83 percent)of the 24-member Senate, 38 members in the lower house, and then-presidential and assorted local government executives (LGUs).

The National Unity Party (NUP) is funded by another billionaire of Spanish heritage and large holdings abroad, Ricky Razon. The NUP was allied with former President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo (GMA) but later joined PNoy's coalition in 2013, while its other elected members allied with another, the United Alliance (UNA) of then-presidential candidate VP Jojo Binay. NUP counts 38 congressmen in the 316-member House.

The absence of ideologically differentiated political parties and the proliferation of hundreds of single-issue party lists are quirks of the 1987 Cory Constitution, allowing political butterflies or turncoatis ("balimbings") to flourish.

The Olipolidyn are not monolithic and often are pitted against each other, but their goal is the advancement of their private agenda — all under the guise of serving the common good — the pursuit and attainment of power and wealth, the mortar that cements some sort of permanency.

Olipolidyn on local political dynamics

Politicians, whether "wannabes" or incumbents, spend millions of pesos to gain the support of their constituents. As a result, a major consideration of the elected public servants is to recoup their expenditures through all sorts of "rent-seeking activities," leakages in public funds and outright corruption — to the detriment of society's development and public good.

And in our presidential system, where the president, the top patron, is elected at large, he is expected to provide the wherewithal for an expensive election campaign. This opens an aperture for the oligarchy and the moneyed elite to influence the outcome.

To understand better our homegrown oligarchy and political dynasty (Olipolidyn) and their relations with the presidency/patron, the Philippines' rough equivalent of America's Deep State and its role in our lives, we go back to its historical beginnings. Part 3 reprints excerpts from my columns and articles and literature of the Centrist Democratic groups over the years. A particularly relevant item is the "Political dynasty handmaiden to oligarchy" (The Manila Times, Aug. 5, 2020).