Centrist Democracy Political Institute - Items filtered by date: September 2024
Thursday, 12 September 2024 20:12

Pulse Asia research — post-EDSA PH presidents

First of a series

RECENTLY, a friend shared with me the latest analysis of Pulse Asia survey data on approval/disapproval ratings of post-1986 Philippine presidents — Gloria Macapagal Arroyo (GMA, 2001-2010), Benigno Aquino III (PNoy, 2010-2016) and Rodrigo Duterte (Digong, 2016-2022). These data gathered over the years are compared with President Ferdinand Marcos Jr.'s (BBM) performance from the time he took office in June 2022 to the present — a span of eight quarters.

These figures are achromatic, but each data point is a reflection of people's perceptions — photographs capturing realities at a point in time. Each has a story to tell and for those who seek to extract some meaning, it is incumbent upon them to dig deeper, giving flesh to the numbers, making them alive. This column will attempt to extrapolate from these data the narrative behind each and extricate lessons to be learned, from presidential track records, their ups and downs, their triumphs and failures and nuances, hopefully as a guide to the current administration of BBM to where it should go — as we want it to succeed for the sake of the country and the Filipinos. How the questions were framed by Pulse Asia and asked of the participants of the survey to elicit desired responses may be subject to the biases of both. Additionally, this column takes the liberty of writing into the surveys supplementary information and nuances gleaned from current events and news headlines. Interpreting the data points and weaving them into a coherent narrative is the primary responsibility of this column.

What survey suggests

BBM assumed office in June of 2022 with a high approval rating. His 84 percent is a figure many politicians will die for. But for many of the older generation who lived through the dark days of martial law, when the incumbent's father reigned supreme, it was a shock. But the data speaks for itself indicating the attrition of the numbers of the denizens of the old regime prior to 1986. After four decades since the lamented EDSA People Power Revolution, the dramatis personae and the hordes of ordinary citizen-participants are gone. The rest are now in the minority. The current Pulse Asia data reflects a new reality. The Marcoses are back!

Thus, the Pulse Asia survey becomes more interesting and relevant when focused on both Duterte and BBM. Consider the following: both had high approval ratings when they first burst into the Philippine political scene over the political carcasses of their opponents: Mar Roxas in 2016 and Vice President Leni Robredo in 2022 — both remnants of the "Yellow Army." Duterte had a commanding 86 percent and BBM 84 percent ratings.

But the dormant seeds of a political maelstrom started to germinate then. While BBM garnered 58.77 percent of the vote — the first majority president since the fifth republic in 1986 — his running mate Sara Duterte, the Digong's daughter, garnered 61.53 percent more votes than BBM. The Digong has always maintained that daughter Sara, who was then more popular, should have run as president and not BBM. From the outset, Duterte has always harbored a quiescent disdain for the Marcoses, particularly BBM, whom he accused of being "bangag," a vituperative appellation for an illegal drug user.

To put things in perspective, the analysis compares Duterte's figures with BBM's in the intervening similar number of months — Duterte's first two years of equivalent eight quarters in 2016. The relevancy of such a comparison rests on several factors. Duterte was BBM's immediate predecessor and the issues, although with some dissimilarities, overlap the two administrations.

On world affairs, the Ukraine war, the Palestine conflict, Hamas, Hezbollah and Iran and even EDCA and our relations with America — these are somewhat irrelevant, not even reflected in the surveys. But closer to home, China's bullying over our "West Philippine Seas" (WPS) and our fishermen's plight on being barred from their traditional fishing grounds are issues BBM failed to address to the satisfaction of the clientele — the Filipino. Add to this his inability to face squarely microeconomic problems, NFA stock and rice shortages, inflation and high prices.

Instead, BBM went off-tangent, allowing his cohorts in the Lower House, headed by his cousin, Speaker Martin Romualdez, to embark on charter change (Cha-cha) under the guise of constitutional economic amendments through people's initiative. The speaker — more a Romualdez than a Marcos — fancies himself as the Marcos heir-apparent in a collision course with Duterte's own heiress, VP Sara. A shift in government to a parliamentary system gives Martin an edge to head the next administration as prime minister — a fool's errand.

Comparative to the first eight quarters in 2016 and 2022, the Deegong never went down below an 80 percent approval rating. BBM's was a precipitous drop to a dismal 53 percent, with his disapproval soaring from 13 percent to 29 percent. What gives?

Politics permeating survey results

The thesis of this column in the comparative analysis of the Pulse Asia data is that politics and political rivalry are the primary root of BBM's current difficulties. The economy and other factors besetting government are mere peripherals.

It was clear from the very start of BBM's regime that the rehabilitation of his father's image as a Philippine dictator during his martial law regime was his primordial objective. The resurrection of the ghost of Ferdinand E. Marcos Sr. (Macoy), therefore requires the negation of all subsequent post-Macoy governments from President Cory Aquino, his nemesis, through General Ramos, a cousin, to GMA, PNoy and especially to the regime of President Duterte, whose daughter, Sara, helped propel him to the presidency, and whom he felt compelled to denigrate to push through his family's agenda. It is worthwhile to be reminded, too, that Sara's grandfather, Davao's former governor Vicente Duterte, was a former Cabinet member of the elder Marcos, establishing their political pedigrees. The Duterte political dynasty, composed of Sara's brothers in elective positions, have professed regret over the Deegong allowing the burial of Makoy on hallowed ground — the Libingan ng mga Bayani — even calling for Marcos Jr.'s resignation as president.

In the intervening months, issues and crises have cropped up, which now involved even the first lady, Liza Araneta-Marcos, an accomplished lawyer and academic who emerged from the shadows of the Marcos-Romualdez clan and projected an image of an arrogant and powerful consort but an unelected power wielder herself — a stark contrast to a perceived weak and docile and unlettered husband. These are all reflected in the Pulse Asia survey suggesting that BBM is leading the country in the wrong direction.

Open split between political dynasties

Captured in the Pulse Asia surveys are just the nuances of the final break in what was once regarded as a "UniTeam-Dream Team" represented by the President and his vice president. I quote excerpts from my column of Aug. 21, 2024: "...what precipitated the breakup of the 2022 Marcos-Duterte coalition was the ultimate question: Whose dynasty dominates and holds political power post-2028 and beyond? This necessitated the defanging of rival heiress and president-in-waiting VP Sara, rendering her castrated as VP and education secretary."

To be continued
Published in LML Polettiques
Wednesday, 04 September 2024 10:37

Ukraine war — Armageddon postponed

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Published in LML Polettiques
Wednesday, 04 September 2024 07:37

Ukraine war — Armageddon postponed

Last of two parts

IT has been a month since Ukraine invaded Russia, ostensibly underscoring Putin's inutility and continued humiliation with his allies and, more importantly, his credibility with the Russian people who have been led to believe that the original Russian invasion 30 months ago in February 2022, was a short punitive sortie that Putin promised would end in a few days upon the fall of Kyiv bringing Ukraine to its knees and back in the Russian fold.

Putin's adventure is now in its third year. And the end is not in sight. But Russia now occupies a large swath of land in the Donbas region and those adjoining the Crimea. Russian forces are now entrenched in the eastern part of Ukraine bordering Russia.

Putin sold the fiction to the Russian people that this incursion into Ukraine was upon the demand of the Russian-speaking population of the Donbas, where the local Russian population was allegedly facing persecution and needed protection from the Ukrainian government — dubbing this act as "denazification" of Ukraine.

Antecedents of Russo-Ukraine war

To put things in perspective, although Russia invaded Ukraine in February 2022, this conflict had been germinating years earlier. This year, 2024, is the 10th anniversary of the Ukraine-Russo conflict. I quote excerpts from my column ("Ukraine war revisited — America speaks with forked tongue," The Manila Times, June 14, 2023).

"Ukraine's invasion by Russia was the sum total of NATO's relentless encroachment over the years that included the CIA-sponsored Euromaidan revolution in 2013 resulting in a regime change in Ukraine, which in turn gave Putin the alibi to annex Ukraine's southern peninsula of Crimea in 2014 and recognize the Russian-sponsored separatist states of Donetsk and Luhansk in the southeast, collectively known as the Donbas region."

Further, the seeds of this conflict were planted during the fall of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) during the intervening years of 1989-1992 ("Ukraine: Putin's war — a briefer," TMT, March 9, 2022; and "Ukraine war — heading toward Armageddon," TMT, Aug. 28, 2024).

What was untenable was that upon the dissolution of the USSR, then-Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev extracted a promise from America and Germany that NATO would not enlarge "one inch eastward" after Gorbachev disbanded the Soviet military alliance (Warsaw Pact). But NATO's later enticement of the old Warsaw Pact countries, particularly Ukraine, into its fold was a negation of that pledge. The entire premise of NATO enlargement to Eastern Europe was a violation of this agreement.

"Just imagine NATO with its short-range ballistic missiles (SRBM) at the borders of Russia. How was it different when Khrushchev in 1962 stationed missiles in Cuba just outside America's borders? Kennedy drew the line then as Putin similarly has drawn the line now. NATO's overture to Ukraine after the USSR's collapse is tantamount to Putin's red line that America and the West have long crossed. America and NATO, in essence, actually provided a casus belli for Putin's acts."

Storyline of Ukraine's Russian invasion

The Aug. 6, 2024, Ukraine invasion of Kursk Oblast brought the war to Russian soil — the first time since WW 2. Although Putin's control of state media on putting the lid on Ukraine's invasion has been almost total, morsels of news trickled down through the heavy censorship. For one, people from hundreds of displaced communities in Kursk and Belgorod were evacuated, and these frightened citizens disseminated their fear to relatives, friends and other citizens in adjoining oblasts. The images of hordes of evacuees on the roads reminiscent of the aftermath of the 1943 Nazi blitzkrieg have gone viral. Suddenly, hostilities could be at every Russian's doorstep, and the realities of bloodshed could become part of their daily lives.

In the summer of 2023, Ukraine conducted a much-awaited counter-offensive to reoccupy Donbas. That failed. It suffered 200,000 casualties, while Russia lost more than three times that much. But "mano-a-mano" with Russia in a war of attrition was a one-sided affair. Comparatively, Russia is the larger combatant with more resources and greater wealth available, a bigger defense industrial base and more warm bodies. Ukraine solely dependent on NATO and the US for its military resources is a no-match. Ukraine was forced to shift back to its current defensive mode.

Russia's subsequent mobilization was a disaster where more than a million of its young men fled the country to avoid conscription. National conscriptions were unpopular with Russian mothers whose sons came back maimed or in caskets, inducing political dissent among the populace, anathema to a closed communist society. Similarly, finding volunteers for Ukraine was challenging where draft dodgers of fighting age fled abroad through Poland and Slovakia — according to the BBC.

The Western press further revealed that Russia outgunned Ukraine on artillery by 20 to one until the US Congress finally approved $60 billion in military aid in April 2024. The best estimates are that it is still outgunned in artillery shells eight to one. But Ukraine has the advantage of advanced NATO weapons technology and better trained and motivated manpower.

Even with these conditions, Russia managed slow, steady, methodical gains across the eastern front with its quantity of firepower and its young cannon fodder. Russian forces are embedded in the oblast of Luhansk with two major cities of Severodonetsk and Lyshansk; Donetsk with the city of Mariupol; Zaporizhzhia and its nuclear power plant and the city of Melitopol. The bloody battle and recent occupation of Bakhmut and Avdiivka, major Ukraine cities, was disastrous for Ukraine. Since the war began, roughly one-third of Ukraine's territory has been in Russian hands.

With war weariness descending on both countries, but with the momentum on the Russian side, Putin, last June 2024, set his own terms for peace, demanding that Ukraine withdraw its forces from the four provinces of Donbas and even those still unoccupied by Russia. Furthermore, it demanded that Crimea, occupied since 2014, be recognized as Russian. And more importantly, it abandoned its desire for membership in NATO and assumed a status of permanent neutrality. Zelenskyy rejected these supercilious conditions.

Hemorrhaging soldiers and weaponry and losing ground since 2023, Zelenskyy and his military leadership decided they needed to wrest the initiative from Putin. Thus, this gamble on a bold attack on the sparsely defended Kursk Oblast. It was a desperate gesture of bravado that could work — if the strategy were to use this occupation of Russian territory as a bargaining chip for an eventual ceasefire and peace treaty. But more importantly Zelenskyy has brought the war's realities to Russian citizens who for long have been deceived by Putin. This has now become a contest between Russian mothers versus Putin. How long will Putin hold on to power amid the babushkas' and Rossiyani's wrath?

Ukraine's lifeblood depends on America and NATO's sustenance. But Putin holds one card he hopes will be dealt with this November. His friend, Trump, is running for the US presidency. Trump has already declared that he will solve the war on day one of his presidency. He will suspend the shipment of war materiel to Zelenskyy.

Little does he know that his friend will lose the presidency. Meanwhile, Armageddon is postponed!

Published in LML Polettiques