FOR the continued dismantling of the Duterte political structures, discussed in last week's column, it must begin and end in Davao. This dynasty was midwifed incongruously by President Cory Aquino upon the appointment of its patriarch, Rodrigo Duterte, as OIC vice mayor in 1986. Over the next three decades, his genius, charisma, brutal iron will and organizational skills ran roughshod over his political rivals and erstwhile allies awaiting the maturation of his children now installed in powerful elected positions, most prominent of which is Vice President Sara, the presidential heiress-apparent.

The year 1986 saw the end of the Marcos martial law regime, an era marked by suppression of dissent, the rise of cronyism and bureaucrat capitalism that had a stranglehold on the economy, mounting impunity, and the abrogation of the rule of law. The repression of democracy allowed the extreme left to create in Davao a laboratory for the seeds of communist ideology to propagate along with its deadly practices. Oldtimers still remember "Nicaragdao," the poor barangay in Davao, which was a breeding ground for the NPA and the almost daily spectacle of policemen killed by the "sparrow units" and left in the streets to be seen by the community as a warning; and the "salvaging" of criminals and the innocents alike. The soaring crime rate was driven not so much by ideology but by the influx of illegal drugs. These were the conditions obtained when the Deegong appeared in the political scene, having won as mayor in 1988 — a study in perfect timing.

Post-EDSA 1986

Cory's administration tried dismantling the Marcos martial law structures but sadly, only the façade and language and its trappings were altered. Superimposing it with her concept of democracy — however elitist, substituting Marcos cronies with her "Kamag-anak Inc.," the remnants, the elements and the mindset of martial law prevailed.

This was well understood by the Deegong. With an iron fist, he adopted the communist and extreme left formula for discipline and control, but with a twist — cloaking it with motherhood statements of democracy and his version of the rule of law, including his own "death squad" — the DDS — later absurdly renamed the Duterte Diehard Supporters. And this recipe was applied to rid the city of drug lords and pushers and drug-related crimes.

In the four decades post-Cory, the Deegong hammered a coalition of the far left to the right of the political spectrum with the grudging consent of Davao's elite, propelling him to power. And he delivered! His solution, which has gained a modicum of success, locally labeled "Tok-tok Hangyo," or Tokhang for short, failed in its national stage version when he was President ("Dismantling the Duterte political structures," The Manila Times, Oct.10, 2024).

Reinvigorating an old warrior

Several congressional hearings "in aid of legislation," starting with the bumbling quad committee of the lower house upon the behest of Speaker Martin and Malacañang, were conducted not only to pin the EJK and human rights abuses on the Deegong but to degrade VP Sara's possible presidential run in 2028.

In the subsequent Senate blue ribbon committee hearings, the EJK proceedings fell short and backfired and instead exposed the incompetence of the inquisitors. The senators played right into the genius of the man, regaining his waning popularity and reinforcing his status as a "strong man with political will." This could spell a great advantage to the Deegong, fortifying his comeback to Davao as a mayoral candidate against another budding political dynasty — the Nograleses.

Boy Nograles' progeny

The Duterte political narrative is incomplete without the Nograleses. The family's own patriarch, "Boy Nogie," was himself a character writ large. A scion of Davao's old families. They were the landed elite who, at the founding of the city, were its leading lights, in contrast to the transplanted Duterte clan — the outsiders. Urbanization and the influx of the pre-war innovative Japanese and the hardworking and entrepreneurial Chinese, particularly from China's Fujian province and the carpetbaggers, changed drastically its demographic, cultural and social profile. The children of the elite were enrolled in local schools but were sent abroad or to the nation's capital to finish their education, coming back to the city to reclaim what to them was originally their entitlement.

Boy Nogie was a better version of these entitled and a rival for the city's leadership. But his local political organization never could compete successfully with the Deegong's mass base as his milieu was the national political scene, having reached his pinnacle as the powerful speaker of the House. His dream to head the city as mayor collided with that of the Deegong's. And he lost — three times. But the biggest transgression of that rivalry was the victor humiliating his rival publicly and intensely — proverbially kicking the man when he was down. Today, Boy Nogie's progeny, the siblings Karlo and Migs, have come of age and will contest the iron grip of the Dutertes.

Impending showdown

The Nograleses are not without their detractors. I will quote from an editorial ("Optic Politics," Oct. 8, 2024):

"Karlo Nograles' decision to run against the Dutertes in Davao City raises serious questions not only about his judgment but also about the deep-rooted values that underpin political survival and trust in the Philippines. In a political culture where personal loyalty and a sense of utang na loob (debt of gratitude) are sacrosanct, Nograles' candidacy represents a flagrant betrayal of these foundational values.

"Nograles, once a close ally of former President Rodrigo Duterte, benefited immensely from his connection to the Dutertes. As Cabinet Secretary under Duterte, he was vaulted from relative political obscurity to a position of influence and power. This was not just a strategic political appointment; it was a personal investment by the Dutertes in Nograles, a native Davaoeño, to align him with their longstanding political machinery."

This editorial was very harsh on Karlo's succumbing to the enticements of the BBM/Liza/Martin trio to run against the Dutertes. This shows unfamiliarity with the Duterte-Nograles saga. Davaoeños, particularly among the elites and old families of Davao, have long memories, and they will not forget the public humiliation inflicted by the Deegong on one of their own. No amount of inducement by the Deegong on Karlo — cabinet posts and sinecures — can alleviate the insults hurled upon the father.

Many of the political cognoscenti understood only too well the Deegong's moves as this earlier co-optation of Karlo inhibited the old families and the Davao elite from moving against Duterte's hold in Davao politics. But today, the Deegong's male heirs are no match in many metrics against Boy Nogie's issue — Karlo and Migs. The Davao old families and the elite, few as they are, have enough clout and influence to meet head-on the Duterte dynasty.

"Utang na loob," as proffered by the Optic editorial, is a convoluted Filipino value, the bane of good governance and the driving force behind Philippine patronage politics. Our political leaders have long been experts at perverting this Filipino trait as a corrupting tool to the Filipino masses.

Through this open challenge to the Duterte dynasty, Karlo and Migs — Boy Nogie's bloodline — will have to avenge their father's humiliation.