EDSA 1986 was a perfect political storm, a rare convergence of adverse dynamics that altered the Philippine system of governance. But thirty-nine years after that phenomenon, we find ourselves wondering if another political storm is brewing. The Deegong's March 28 birthday celebrations, that unprecedented nationwide and worldwide OFW-driven display of affection for the Deegong and protests against this government's cavalier treatment of a beloved ex-president — still unproven guilty in the courts of law — has caused added volatility to the midterm election season; notwithstanding the already divisive series of legislative hearings and the inquisition of the vice president leading towards her impeachment.

Are we on a crescendo towards a reprisal of EDSA1986? This pivotal moment in Philippine history was an aggressive non-violent yet profound articulation of the Filipino's demands: restore a democratic government after years of Marcos' martial law and authoritarian rule; instigate reforms that would address social inequalities, freeing us from the shackles of stark poverty and injustice; establish a system of transparent governance ending corruption in government and the looting of public funds practiced to perfection by the dictator's cronies; and empower civil society and grassroots movements that spearheaded the revolution through mass mobilization, peaceful protests and collective appeals for justice and the rule of law.

Broken promises: Where are we now?

Today, Marcos is back! Not his ghost — but his progeny and the underlying iniquities we booted out the father for. In retrospect, EDSA 1986, perhaps unwittingly by our euphoria, planted the seeds for its own destruction. We have not heeded George Santayana's dictum and thus "...we are condemned to repeat it."

Today, in lieu of the "conjugal dictatorship," we have a "triumvirate of malevolence," intact with their allies in the highest echelons of government, elected and unelected, that have been controlling the levers of power resulting in the very distortions EDSA 1986 was supposed to delete.

To understand better those developments, last week's column was a study in contrast between the 1983 politico-economic environment prior to the 1986 EDSA People Power Revolution and current 2025 events, discerning parallelisms that could induce a similar uprising. Four similarities were described: the country as a seething economic and political cauldron; human rights violations and the suppression of dissent and protest by the regime; the crucial role of the military and religious components; and the dramatis personae involved. All these needing a spark to erupt in a political upheaval.

Flawed principal actors and a different scenario

As preconditions for a revolution or a semblance of what transpired in EDSA in 1986, three of these factors could be present. The fourth however is debatable — the personalities involved. Although both periods were led by the country's presidents, Ferdinand, the father, in 1983 and Bongbong, the son, in 2025, Ninoy the assassinated martyr in 1983 by any stretch of the imagination cannot be comparable to the Deegong currently exiled in The Hague. Ninoy was killed while the Deegong is a confessed killer.

BBM wrote a different script; unlike Ninoy's, there was no assassination at the airport tarmac — just a forced rendition and exile to The Hague. There is no one equivalent to Cory, the aggrieved widow, and the reluctant housewife-leader of the long-oppressed citizenry who symbolized the restoration of democracy and the fight against authoritarianism; and emerged as a unifying figure representing the people's desire for change, transparency, and democratic governance.

The wives and consorts of the Deegong to be fair are good women but possess no inclinations for national politics. VP Sara, no resemblance to Cory, could be an inadequate understudy. Her popularity has gone up, but she carries too much political baggage. She was impeached. There is no Cardinal Sin to summon the people to EDSA. The 67-year-old Luis Antonio Cardinal Tagle, slated to be in line for the papacy, would be more comfortable shepherding the souls of his fellowmen. His politics is that of the afterlife.

Bro. Eduardo Manalo, executive head of the Iglesia ni Cristo, could play a part rousing millions of followers as evidenced by the recent National Rally for Peace. And they have shown sympathy for the Deegong's plight of late. The charlatan self-proclaimed appointed son of God, Apollo Quiboloy, is currently behind bars, awaiting possible extradition to the US and trailing poorly in his bid for a Senate seat.

There is no charismatic Gen. Fidel Ramos to inspire the uniformed sector although there are former military leaders now in local government. One of those is the 64-year-old mayor of Baguio City, former PNP general Benjamin "Benjie" Magalong, who seems to speak the right language.

We may not need another EDSA 1986 but...

The concluding remarks of my column last week was in fact a challenge to us: "Are the elements for a revolution valid? We the people — not necessarily pro-Marcos or pro-Duterte who have weakened each other — must control this narrative. Then act we must!"

Controlling the narrative is an imperative suggesting that we need to initiate drastic changes in our system of governance. The people in power today are the same old tired faces waiting to be replaced by another set of tired old faces, ensconced in power too long advancing the agenda of their political dynasties allied with the oligarchy. As baby steps, using the legitimate methods for changes in government, we start with the midterm elections.

I refer to Franklin Drilon's pronouncements. "The best evidence of our political system's desperate bankruptcy is the proliferation of actors, actresses and comedians dominating our legislative and executive branches, including the local government units. The enactment of laws and their implementation are now being entrusted to some people who never studied law or public administration."

He named names — the buffoons, the corrupt and incompetents vying for power. He knows whereof he speaks. He was a Senate president and went through executive positions in the bureaucracy from labor secretary to executive secretary in Malacañang.

John Raña, a political technocrat came up with a simple system, ".. a 'multiple choice' approach: first, eliminate the candidates who fail to meet basic standards of accountability and competence and then select the best among the remaining options. (Those out): 1) candidates tainted by the PDAF scam; 2) recycled politicians with poor performance records; finally, 3) I will not vote for individuals who run for office solely on the strength of their popularity, without a clear and substantive agenda."

Serious voters should educate themselves and dig for qualifications and relevant experience in lawmaking, legislative agenda and advocacy. This columnist's particular bias is for candidates who may also opt for the abolition of political dynasties and a shift to a parliamentary form of government.

We need to use our votes to install more responsive people in public service. Failing this, then perhaps we, the people, may need to up the ante by other means: coalition building by the those that aren't pro-Marcos or pro-Duterte towards a more drastic but legitimate methods we used prior to EDSA 1986 — civil disobedience — a non-violent nationwide sustained protests in the streets. We did this as the parliament of the streets.

We can do this again!