THEY have returned!

IN 1991, 12 patriots of the Philippine Senate, against the wishes of then President Cory Aquino, booted out the US bases in the Philippines. The 1987 Constitution, which Cory herself sponsored, specifically prohibits foreign military bases in the country. The Military Bases Agreement (MBA) signed in 1947 allowed the US to establish air and naval facilities for 99 years but was amended several times, cutting down the 99 years to the remaining 25 beginning in 1966. With Subic and Clark, the two biggest US military bases outside the continental US, America projected its might, extending its hegemony in the Far East.

Today, another set of patriots has allowed the Americans back in. But here's the catch! With a series of several negotiated intricate documents skirting the constitutional prohibition, starting with the Visiting Forces Agreement (VFA) signed in 1999 under President Fidel Ramos (West Point '50 graduate), agreements were arrived at under the Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement (EDCA) signed by Cory's son President Noynoy, taking effect in 2014 for US forces to send military personnel on a "rotational" arrangement in five Philippine bases (EDCA sites), but with logistics and armaments allowed for pre-positioning. Constitutionally, Subic and Clark can no longer be accessed as US military bases.

President Duterte, projecting an image of being pro-Filipino with an anti-American-pro-China bias, tried to terminate the agreements (VFA and EDCA) to no avail.

Pecuniary considerations

Originally, going back to the 1991 patriot senators, dubbed as the "Magnificent 12," one of the biggest arguments for the abrogation of US bases was not so much as reacquiring "Philippine sovereignty" over these territories by booting out the "capitalist-imperialist" that gave impetus to "bureaucrat-capitalism" — all mantras of the left: but for all intents and purposes, the pecuniary aspect of the US presence.

Under the amended treaty, the US offered $500 million in economic and military aid over five years, increasing this to $900 million in the next five years (1984-1988), broken down into $475 million in economic support, $300 million in foreign military sales credit and $125 million in direct military grants. But the manner of its appropriation by the American government saddled the Philippine government with all sorts of thorny issues resulting in the Philippine drawdown of only half of the $200 million economic funds available under the previous package. Under the new proposed treaty in 1991, the US offered an annual $203 million in compensation — far less than what the Philippine government had sought.

We asked for more US dollars. The Americans said no! So, our patriotic senators suddenly became so aggressively pro-Filipino, claiming that US presence undermined Philippine sovereignty, arguing further that these bases were used as staging points during the Korean and Vietnam wars — perhaps as a negotiating posture, blah, blah, blah! And their love for the country unexpectedly bloomed!

In retrospect, these parleys between former colonials were a study in mendicancy at best and prostitutional negotiations at worst — where we gave away a lot for a pittance. Now, they are back with no guaranteed annual lease. And all aid are "best efforts," except perhaps for those meant for the enhancement of these sites at their behest. This was succinctly articulated later by the Deegong when he pronounced in no uncertain terms: "I'd like to put on notice ... from now on... you want the Visiting Forces Agreement done? You have to pay." The Deegong, a pragmatist, demanded that the Philippines should get something "... like $16 billion that Pakistan had received in counterterrorism assistance from the United States from 2001 to 2017." Former Palace spokesman Harry Roque Jr. said the Philippines received only a total of "$3.9 billion from the United States in the same period."

During the Deegong's regime, from 2016-2019, we were given $267.5 million in military financing and equipment with an additional $45 million from 2020-2021. Another $200 million was budgeted for military equipment, aircraft, training, construction and sundries.

EDCA for climate change mitigation

Now, with the present Marcos Jr. regime, US assistance and bilateral cooperation are expected to increase. And more importantly, Marcos was even generous enough to expand EDCA sites, allowing US "rotational troops" to operate in four additional "Philippine military bases." It may be noted that these EDCA sites are Filipino bases, key pillars of the US-Philippine alliance, allowing interoperability between both forces that supports combined training exercises and accelerate the modernization of our military capabilities. But Marcos had made it specifically clear when he talked before the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) in Washington D.C.: "These EDCA sites are for climate change mitigation for instances of natural disasters visiting the Philippines like the 100-year typhoon, 'Yolanda'/'Haiyan' in 2013. These sites are to provide quicker relief [and] rescue, and provide a better job at reconstruction and rehabilitation. Except that with the increasing tension in Taiwan Strait, the security and defense aspect became part of our mission. So, the sensitivity of these sites with Philippine and US troops — on a rotational basis — became included in the equation." Or words to that effect.

Currently, the US is committed to pouring in $82 million for more than a dozen infrastructure projects for the four additional EDCA sites that BBM agreed to; plus, ongoing projects on the five original EDCA sites. These are all of course aligned also with the modernization program of our Philippine armed forces. Balabac Island in Palawan will have a small airport serving the community with a 3-kilometer runway, which could accommodate all types of aircraft — even the US advanced tactical fighter jets, F-35, and F-22 and even the B-2 bombers. None of these are in our fleet. (B2 Bombers are currently parked at Amberly air base in Australia. Deployment of these aircraft is part also of a similar Enhanced Air Cooperation Initiative of the US and Australia, which includes "rotational" deployment of US aircraft of all types in Australia for training exercises with the RAAF.)

The expansion of the already existing naval stations in Palawan is ongoing to accommodate frigates and destroyer-sized ships, and a vessel support facility in Bataraza in southernmost Palawan; so are the air facilities and runways being improved at Ebuen Air Base in Mactan, Cebu and Bautista Air Base in Puerto Princesa, Palawan. An ammunition warehouse, aviation fuel storage and a "command and control building has been constructed. This could double as a Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Relief warehouse, barracks for personnel and other facilities for the disaster-prone islands." (Franco Baroña, The Manila Times, May 26, 2023.)

It may be noted too that of the nine EDCA bases, the two in Palawan face the West Philippine Sea (South China Sea or SCS) and the three in the northernmost part of Luzon face Taiwan and the Bashi Channel. And these are the Philippine military bases where US forces are currently planned for "rotational deployment." And the Philippine government with America are pouring in millions for defense enhancement facing China.

But mind you, these sites are for climate disaster mitigation! The Americans are suddenly generous. Why?

In a communique this month when President BBM met with President Biden, America reiterated that an attack in the West Philippines Sea (WPS) would activate the mutual defense commitments of both countries.

To be continued next week